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'E IN FORMOSA 




JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



JAPANESE RULE IN 

FORMOSA 



BY 

YOSABURO TAKEKOSHI 

MBMSBR OF THE J4tPANB8B OIBT 



WITH PREFACE BY 

BARON SHIMPEI GOTO 

CHIBF OF THB CIVIL ADMINISTRATION 



TRANSLATED BY 

GEORGE BRAITHWAITE 

TOBYO 



WITH THJRTY'EJOHT ILLUSTRATIONS AND A MAP 



LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 

39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON 
NEW YORK. BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA 

1907 

vC 



FAPANESE RULE IN 

FORMOSA 



Y O S A B U R (.) T A K E K O S H I 

Mii^ ;i:ii« ot 111!. jA::\Sf\f. ■.;»-i 

WITH PREFACE BV 

BARON SHIMPEI GOTO 

Cllisr UP Tllr Civil. A -VINls. «».• -SM;. 



rRAVF.i,ATr.:» hv 

GEO RG E P K A I r H \V A IT K 

T-'.KV.J 



•VfrAf THIRTY-EIGHT ILLUSTRATIONS AMD A MAP 



LONGMANS, GREEN. AND CO. 

39 PATKRNOSTEi: ROW. LONDON' 
NFW VOKK, BOMB.^y. AND CAiXLTlA 

1907 



JAPANESE RULE IN 

FORMOSA 



BY 

YOSABURO TAKEKOSHI 

MBMSBR OF THE J4tPANB8B OIBT 



WITH PREFACE BY 

BARON SHIMPEI GOTO 

CHIBF OF THB CIVIL ADMINISTRATION 



TRANSLATED BY 

GEORGE BRAITHWAITE 

TOBYO 



WITH THJRTY'EJOHT ILLUSTRATIONS AND A MAP 



LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 

39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON 
NEW YORK. BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA 

1907 

vC 



rye TO 




Our administration in Formosa has been severely criti- 
cised, but the majority of our critics have not studied the 
question sufficiently to fonn an opinion. Very few of 
them have had an opportunity of visiting the island and 
testing the truth of their suppositions by personal investi- 
gation on the spot ; hence, in most cases, their conclusions 
are wrong, because they arise from insufficient knowledge, 
and are based on false premises. Others have looked at 
the subject through coloured glasses, and thus have ob- 
tained a distorted view. Small wonder then that their 
criticisms are so wide of the mark. 

As a matter of fact, our nation's history as a Colonial 
Power commences with the story of our administration 
in Formosa, and our failure or success there must exer- 
cise a marked influence on all our future undertakings. 

We rejoice therefore to report that, thanks to the 
Great Guardian Spirit, who through unbroken ages has 
continually guided His Majesty the Emperor and each 
one of His Imperial Ancestors, and thanks also to the 
generous way in which the Formosan Administration has 
been upheld by the State, our plans for the colonization 
of the island have been crowned with a great measure ot 
success. 

There is an old saying, "Though you order me to 
be silent, I cannot obey you " ; in like manner, though I 
hold an official appointment, and have been privileged to 



vi PREFACE 

watch the development of the island, and on that account 
may not unnaturally be accused of boasting, yet for my 
country's sake I cannot forbear giving to the world the 
story of our success. 

This book is the outcome of an extensive tour through 
the island undertaken by Mr. Takekoshi in which he had 
full opportunities of observing the manners and customs of 
the people. The account he therein gives of the history 
of our Administration is clear and authoritative, because 
his feet have trod the land he describes, and his states- 
manlike ability has enabled him clearly to comprehend 
all sides of each question. I am not perfectly sure 
whether his criticisms are right in every case ; but never- 
theless I am satisfied that it would be a hard task to im- 
prove on his account. 

Of late, the different Powers have come to realize 
that the question, as to which of them shall lead the 
world, can only be settled in the Eastern part of the 
world's great chess-board. We have, it is true, emerged 
victorious from the recent war, but the world still doubts 
our colonizing ability. I have been very glad, therefore, 
to write this Preface, believing that these pages will prove 
instrumental in removing these doubts, and hoping also 
that they may inspire my countrymen with fresh courage 
to take up the tasks which still lie before them. If so, 
it will matter little to me what the critics may say. 

Mr. Takekoshi's felicity of diction and brilliant style 
are so well known that it is needless for me to add more. 



SHIMPEI GOTO, 

Chit/ of Civil Adminitlra^t in Botmoit,. 




Western nations have long believed that on their 
shoulders alone rested the responsibility of colonizing the 
yet unopened portions of the globe, and extending to the in- 
habitants the benefits of civilisation ; but now we Japanese, 
rising from the ocean In the extreme Orient, wish as a 
nation to take part in this great and glorious work. 
Some people, however, are inclined to question whether 
we possess the ability requisite for such a task I felt 
that these would doubt no longer, could they but read 
the account of our successes in Formosa. With this idea 
I twice visited the island to ascertain the actual conditions 
there, and have now prepared this book that all who wish 
may read the story for themselves. 

Much of the information given in this work is derived 
from the archives in the Governor-General's Office, all 
of which were kindly placed at my disposal. 1 mention 
this to show that it may be relied upon as being correct, 
and I also wish to offer my sincere thanks to the Formo- 
san authorities for all the kindness they have shown me. 

Some years ago the historian Froude visited the 
West Indies, afterwards publishing his well-known work, 
The History of English Colonization in the West Indies. 
So great an influence had this book on the minds of the 
youth of that period, that for a time there was quite a 
rush to the colonies. Scholars have sometimes compared 
the practical effects of this book with those produced by 



L 



viii A WORD TO MY READERS 

the Imperialism of Chamberlain and Rhodes. I would 
not for a moment venture to class myself with these two 
great English politicians, but shall be fully satisfied if 
this book of mine should serve even in a small measure 
to make known the actual conditions and potentialities of 
Formosa. 

YOSABURO TAKEKOSHI. 

Okubo, Tokyo, 

y^fyf 1905- 



CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER PAGE 

I. Brief Survey op our Successes . . . . i 

II. The Administration op Formosa looked at prom the 

Legislative Standpoint - - - - ii 

III. Formosa in the Past — 

1. Under the Pirates 44 

2. Under the Dutch and Spaniards ~ - 54 

3. Under Kozinga 61 

4. Struggles between Chinese and Savages - 68 

5. Formosa and the Powers - • - - 74 

6. Rise and Fall op the so-called Republic - 80 

7. The Campaign against the Brigands - • 92 

IV. Geographical Features — Plants and Animals — Climate 

— Inhabitants 102 

V. Real Estate and Tenants' Rights - - - ~ > 1 7 
VI. Finance and Economy - - - - - ~I33 

VII. Police Administration 144 

VIII. The Opium Monopoly - - - - - -153 

IX. The Salt Monopoly 165 

X. The Camphor Monopoly - - - - - -171 

XI. Minerals - - - - - - - -183 

XII. Law Courts — Prisons — Criminals - - - - 188 

iz 



X CONTENTS 

CHAPTBl PAGE 

XIII. Population and Future Devslopmint of the Island 

Resources - 198 

XIV. The Savages and Their Territory - - - - 210 
XV. Products — ^Tea, Sugar, Rice 234 

XVI. Communications — Mails, Harbours, and Shipping - 253 

XVII. Foreign Trade — Commerce and Exchange with Japan 269 

XVIII. Sanitation - - - - - - - -283 

XIX. Education — Religion — Philanthropy - - - 293 

XX. Cuttings from the Author's Note-book - - - 308 

Bibliography -------- 321 



Ltsirr.-GENKRAL Vi 
ofFormoM ■ 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 

KoDAUA, Governor-General 



Bakoh Goto, Chief of Civil Adm 



Old Buildings at Tainan 



Fnnttspiect 

To face pap 1 1 



The Dulch were IhiAr 
>it Slorey of TiiDia Cai 



tci be Ken. One of Vat** it ihc Rid- 
Ela ifaown In ihe pholiiinp)!. The 

bgi tbc Tuio u likely lo <liuppeir 
lired. Some people CDStidei ihil Ibe 



bavinc been entirely rebujll by i 
1* Ibe Selnlcin Culle at Anpi 
Ibe Jipueu Cuilon HeuH 
J(*Ci Iben !• ■ Red-luir Well. 
titenileil. Tboe uc dm Re 
In Tunmi, nniaini >ie iIbd k 
obich w» rebuilt by Ihe Dute 
Coonilile. 



rbe ChiDi 



^DOiber Dulr 



w Uiodi. In ihe lofiliiy of 
iwiD(taowfii Dulcfa InBtiEUe 
i>< Kuru^ikI Red-hail Tdvtu. 
; (ound cf <he Spairiih ChUc, 



iNaCIUPTtON WwTTEN BY SaVaCES A 

THE Dutch Occupation 

The Dolcb, during Iheir occupation t 



Main Road in Tainan - 
■ I<apulalioB of over 49/no 



it thf i 



foiiDgi. »d then hy Ihe Cbinese 
It tbdl capital (or more Ibio wo yean. Tta« city waa 
■D BliBlivt Kale, and ia rich in hisloiical rellcl mat 
bil*. Tha pbelopaph ibowa (be gieal gale erccle 
Aaaaobly Hall of lb* prorincci of Kwargtucg ani) Kk 



xH LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 

NiiTAKA Yama (Mount Morrison) - - - To face page 87 

In olden timet this monntein was called by the Chinese Mount 
Jade. It ia in the Central Mountain Range to the eaat of Kagi, 
and conaiata of three peaks, the Northern, the Central, and the 
Southern. It ia the highest mountain in Pormosa, being over 
X4/W0 Ceet in height, nearly 2,000 feet higher than Fuji. The name 
'* Niitaka Yama " meana " New High Mountain." and was given 
by the Emperor on the aSth of June, 1903. 



Baron Goto's Official Residence at Taihoku „ 117 

Taihoku City as seen from the Roof of the 

Governor-General's Residence - • - ,, 117 

Guard House at Kyukywien, Shinchiku - - „ 213 

Group of Atayal Savages at Shin ko - - • ^ 213 

Exploring Party on Mount Ari in the Savage 

District „ 215 

In the autumn of 1904, Baron Goto and others, during their 
tour of exploration through the island, visited the Savage Boun- 
dary on Mount Ari. This picture shows the party resting at 
Uto Cave. The savages seen standing at one side belong^ to 
the Tbuo Group, and were employed as luggage carriers. 

Camphor Still NEAR Gi RAN ,, 215 

Baron Goto's party may be seen dressed in foreign costume. 



Savage Types — 

Atayal Man - 
Atayal Woman 
VoNUM Man 
VoNUM Woman 
Tsou Man 
Tsou Woman - 
TsALiSEN Man - 
TsALisEN Woman 



f% 


219 


n 


219 


n 


219 


n 


219 


f% 


223 


»» 


223 


n 


223 


»» 


223 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS : 

Weitirm Gate or Koshun Te fait ftige ] 

Koihaii aud Id be oiled ttu t.ion(-lriao Sivigc Diilrtci. 
Id .874 ■!'« <» 



Intlye. 



1 lor««cd c 



called ttM t.ion(-lriao Sivige Diilri 
•e Hpedition It wu propual by C)u 
eceaiity by the Smf e Baimdur regula- 



1 ■od Shokt all Iwd >l 



niiUtly « 



Ired. This pholo- 



Savage TrPES — 
Ami Man 
Ami Woman - 
Paiwak Womak 
Paiwan Maw - 
PuruuA Man - . . 

PUTVHA WoUAN 

Tame Duckj on the Tamsui River 



lay DO e(gii they ir 



GovxKNMENT MoDEi. Tea Facto^v AT Anpingchih 

Formnu Oelooc To wu produced in imluilon or Chioei 
■re. Ihcnicie. |j«iiiciil«rly bilgbl. A> tde melhodi cl nun 

bctott the !«■ eoliiely by iMchinery. 



LtCBT Hand Railway acxom the Taian Rivck 
Takow Harbour Looking Seawards 

" Smees'i Hud," on the lop ef which in old foil Hood j 
tiDK of Ibe ChiwH occopiiion. Ai Gm eight the hirbou i 
■ood, bai the mier ii ihillow iatide knd the iind Mr o 
mkei It dlHlcult for ileamcn lo enter. Ilredging apeutloi 
BowiD prognn lor the imptDvunenl of the harbour. In It 
bin M rvwid ■ cBrioDa weed, ailed by the ruidenU " Kslu 
wUcIi ilunn two a three inchsi ibove iha lorrice of Ibe <vi 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 

VIniL DUUrNG FoKMOSAM War - - To fact fagi l6l 



With Ihe complellan of Ih 






■a w*3 built ibaot Ihe clou ol i) 



Duble ic cnui. (nd ih< 
(houfta ii iiilL bun wi 
The iDhibiUnii beloni 



dilfcr creuly (t 
hBhdkochiefi. 
OD the road is 



irevalli in Fofmou. The | 



■raph ibawi ibe Sacred 



Railway Station at Taihoku 



.84 



PunrAL AT Daitotei (T\ 



m Cb« motilh. The 



Diitotci !■ 1 pu< d[ Ihe ttty of Talt 
bull of Uh Taniui River, about leu n;ili 
[lOpglalion of tne place hai gndiialJy incteaaed aince ibe pari aC 
Tiniiiu «u opcoed in iSjS. lod alill non npldly aioce Uaiuiel 
*B> made a foceifn taacnaloD. All Ibe lea from ibe iaiand ia 

d (be ci<)F diviaiona hai been adapled, tbe drainage compleled. 
and Ihe diil cleaied v»%t, ibe whole looli of <he pli« ba> changed. 
Pmniiaeiil bualneaa ealabllibmenls, aa Ihe Mliiul Ann and ibe 
Oaala Sboeen Kwaiaha. bive theii afbeea heie. The name 




LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xv 

Tamiui Watbjlworks To face page 286 

Before the cooetmction of these waterworks only two wells 
of food wster were found in the town of Tamsui for the 6^000 in> 
habitants. It was not snrprisinf then that this shoald be the most 
unhealthy place in the ^ole island ; but tince the construction of 
the waterworks the death-rate has greatly declined. The head 
spring is over two miles east of the town iia the villa(pB of Soikito 
at the southern foot of Mount Getto, which is a part of the Dai- 
tone Range. The water comes op through many different volcanic 
strata, and is very clear and sweet. These waterworks were started 
in June, 1896, and completed in March, 1899, 



Bamboo Raft Crossing Rivbr near Koroton - - ,, 286 

Schools in Formosa — 

GiRU „ 295 

Boys „ 295 

The first picture shows a Formosan female teacher teaching 
embroidery to Formosan girls in the School in connection with 
the Formosan Language Training Institution in Taihoku. Em- 
broidery and the making of artificial flowers are the two arts in 
which Formosan girls especially ezceL 

The second picture shows a Japanese teacher giving a lesson 
in Japanese Composition to a class of Formosan Chinese young 
men. 

Map of Formosa ------ End of book. 




s founded upon force, short-lived — Misgivings as to Japan's aptitude for 
colonial rule — Discouragine teporls disproved by actual facts — Railway 
building — Safely of traveJiing; order and peace restored — Slow progress 
made in suppreesing brigands — Want of co-operation bettreen civil and 
military auihotiiics — Regular troops unfit for theworli — Faithless in terpre- 
tEts — Viscount Kodama establishes civil rule and successfully seeks to con- 
dliate the people, organises relief and encourages learning— Many brigand* 
come to terms — Remainder broken up^Military authority curbed — French 
difficulties in Tonkin solved by M. de Lanessan — Development of enter- 
prise and prosperity under Kodama r^gime^Formosa Rnancially independent 
— Comparison with results attained by France in Algeria and In do- China. 

New territory may be won by the sword, and a widespreading 
dominion may for a time be kept up by force; but unless the 
conquering nation possesses the qualifications necessary for the 
wise administration of its possessions, decay and di-ssolution 
inevitably follow. Poland, now divided between Russia, Germany 
and Austria, its people only able to lament, in sorrowful dirges, 
the sad fate of their country, once delivered the proud city of 
Vienna from the armies that laid siege to it. Sweden, too, 
which at one time stood at the head of the Protestant Reforma- 
tion in Northern Europe, and subsequently defeated ignomlni- 
ously the forces of Russia, now stands stripped of all she once 
possessed beyond her own original boundaries, and trembles with 
apprehension at every move of her huge neighbour. Turkey, 
before whose fearless fighters all Europe once stood aghast, is 
to-day rt^arded as " The Sick Man of the East," upon whose 
demise the Powers are for ever counting, as they discuss what 
portions of his possessions should fall to each, when the time 
for the final division really comes. 

It is obvious, therefore, that nations cannot maintain their 
existence by military power alone. In fact, military power has 



2 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

brought misfortune upon many a country, because the com- 
mensurate administrative skill and national spirit were subse- 
quently found to be lacking. On this account, nations like 
Spain, which at one time possessed vast colonies but lost most 
of them through misgovernment, are watching, with much 
uncertainty as to the result, Japan's first attempts at coloniza- 
tion, remembering their own sad experience. On the other 
hand, certain powers like England, possessed of colonies and 
inchned to believe that they alone possess this gift, are hardly 
disposed to acknowledge that Japan has any colonizing ability 
at atl. 

When Formosa first came into our possession, and we, 
Japanese, commenced to colonize it, we were ourselves anxious 
as to what the result might be. As it was our first attempt, 
we naturally made some mistakes ; but, notwithstanding these 
mistakes which have been unsparingly criticised at home and 
abroad, good work has been done. Peace has been restored, 
order prevails, the productive power of the island has increased, 
the Government, is respected and trusted, and on every hand 
are seen evidences of life and prosperity. In short, Japan can 
point to her successes thus far in Formosa as a proof of her 
worthiness to be admitted into the community of the world's 
great colonial powers. 

In June, 1904, I went to Formosa to ascertain how far our 
attempts to colonize that beautiful island had been successful. 
The reports which had reached me before I landed were al- 
most discouraging. I was told that neither life nor property 
was secure from the brigands who still made frequent raids ; 
that infectious diseases were so prevalent as to render the whole 
island an unfit place of residence for Japanese; that the ad- 
ministration was lax; that all productive occupations were 
neglected ; and, finally, that what little trade still remained 
was all in Chinese hands. 

What I myself saw, however, soon convinced me that these 
reports were absolutely without foundation — -mere travellers' 
tales started by adventurers, whose plans for exploiting the 
island had been frustrated. To me the prospects looked very 
hopeful. 

In the succeeding chapters, I intend to write at length on the 
present condition of the country ; but, in the remainder of this 



BRIEF SURVEY OF OUR SUCCESSES 3 

chapter, I wish to give a brief summary — a bird's-eye view, so 
lo speak — of the results already achieved. 

While the island yet remained a Chinese possession, the 
Gov-emor, Liu Yung Fu, had commenced a railway, but when 
Japan took possession, the only part finished was the sixty-two 
miles between Kelung and Shinchiku. The route selected was, 
however, so inconvenient that our authorities resolved to start 
airesh and lay a line 230 miles long, starting from Takow in 
the south, and running the whole length of the island. The 
work was commenced from both ends at the same time, and 
was pushed forward night and day, so that at the time of my 
visit, trains were running over all but about sixty miles in the 
middle part of the line. Here a light railway had been laid 
temporarily, each car being propelled by two Chinese coolies 
who ran behind. At many of the stopping-places, companies of 
these coolies were to be seen looking at first sight like disguised 
brigands. They struck me as not unlike the crowds of palan- 
quin-bearers to be seen in old times, at the post towns along 
the road between Tokyo and Kyoto. 

I left Taichu on the i sth of June, and chanced to run 
across a Japanese girl on her way to the south. Though not 
more than sixteen or at most seventeen years old, she appeared 
quite at her ease and showed no trace of fear. The constable 
who was with me .said, that she belonged to a well-to-do family 
and was on her way to Takow, At my request, he asked her 
whether she was not afraid to travel so far all by herself, but 
she replied, " Not in the least, sir ! " A single straw shows 
which way the wind blows, and so these few words, " Not in 
the least, sir," rejoiced me greatly, and made it clear to me, 
that in that part of the island at any rate, peace and order 
were fully restored. 

Some weeks later, when I was spending a few days in 
Amoy, Mr. Lim Pan Bang (Liu Wei Yuan) invited our Consul, 
Mr. Ueno, and myself to a quiet dinner. In the course of our 
conversation, Mr. Lim Pan Bang asked me how things were in 
Formosa, I replied, "Everything is quiet". I then told him 
how I had met the girl, spoken of above, and what she had 
said, and added, " From this you will understand that peace 
and order are fully restored, Perhaps, indeed, we may say 
that, since the day when Koxinga (Teiseiko) first occupied the 



4 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

island, the inhabitants have never enjoyed such perfect peace 
as they enjoy to-day." Hearing this, Mr. Lim was lost in 
wonder and admiration. 

If it be asked when this satisfactory state of things began, 
I should answer, "in 1902", In that year, Viscount Kodama 
became Govern or -General of the island, and thenceforth de- 
voted all his abilities to civil administration and to the work of 
putting down the brigands. This work had been attempted 
before ; but as fast as one band was broken up, new bands 
arose in other places, and both soldiers and police were wearied 
out, without having apparently accomplished anything. It is 
true that in each expedition some brigands were killed, and 
thus they were weakened to some extent ; but the fact that 
occasionally peaceable inhabitants were mistaken for brigands 
and treated accordingly by the punitive expeditions, led some 
of these to turn brigands. Thus the end seemed as far off as 
ever. Moreover, so long as the country was swarming with 
brigands, the more law-abiding portion of the population who 
would have liked to assist the Government, found it impossible 
to do so. 

This state of things caused the gravest anxiety to the 
successive Governors-General, but try as they might, they 
could find no remedy. Several reasons may be given for this 
foilure. 

1. Owing to circumstances, the former Governors -General 
found themselves unable to place the whole island under civil 
administration. Thus the military authorities frequently en- 
croached on the civil power and friction arose between the two. 

2. However effective regular troops may be against a dis- 
ciplined enemy, they have but little chance of success when 
sent against brigands living in jungles and swamps, who 
appear and disappear as if by magic. In the struggle with 
such a foe, discipline proved a distinct hindrance to our troops 
and prevented them taking the same advantage of sudden 
openings, as they might have done had each man been fighting 
for himself, 

3. Up to this time all information had come to the Govern- 
ment through interpreters, some of whom were absolutely 
untrustworthy. These took advant^e of their position and 
sometimes asserted that brigands were law-abiding people. 



r 



L 



BRIEF SURVEY OF OUR SUCCESSES S 

bluing thereb>- to secure some reward from the brigands later 
on. At other times, from motives of private revenge, they 
denounced bw -abiding persons as brigands. 

Thus the brigands came to lose all respect alike for troops 
and interpreters. 

When Viscount Kodama took office, however, he deter- 
mined to change all this, and to make the military administra- 
tion subordinate to the civil He accordingly gave orders that, 
in the councils held in his office, neither the military nor naval 
staflT officers should have any voice save on matters connected 
with their own special departments. Moreover, to remedy, as 
&r as possible, the abuses caused by the dishonest interpreters, 
he set himself to win the goodwill and confidence of the natives. 
He reopened the Charity Hospital in Taihoku ; and founded 
asylums in Shoka, Tainan and the Pescadores for the relief 
of the destitute poor. He also made arrangements to provide 
for the aged, and invited all persons above eighty years of age 
to Taihoku, Shoka, Tainan or Hozan, where banquets were 
given in their honour. As if this were not enough, he also 
called tc^ether all the leading men in the island who held 
Chinese degrees, and held a meeting in Taihoku for the en- 
couragement of learning. In this way he manifested his respect 
for the learned, and also attested his purpose to devote himself 
to the development of culture and enlightenment in the island, 
leaving no stone unturned to adapt himself to the manners and 
customs of the natives and to pacify the disturbed minds of 
the people. 

As a result of this wise policy, the inhabitants gradually 
came to have confidence in the new government, At the same 
time, the Civil Administration Board opened direct negotia- 
tions with the brigand chiefs, and, substituting gentle measures 
for stern ones, invited them to surrender. When any chief 
submitted, he was given either work or a grant of money, to 
promote good behaviour. The names and whereabouts of his 
followers were then ascertained, and the distinction between 
the law-abiding members of the community and the brigands 
became clear. The abuses arising out of the interpreters' 
selfish practices were also removed. Even when any chief 
abused the kindness shown him by our authorities and became 
reft«ctor>', the military authorities were not allowed to take 



6 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

action except at the request of the civil officials. This action 
usually took the form of sending soldiers to work with the 
police, the combined party attacking the headquarters of the 
chief, and subduing him and his lawless followers once for all. 
These expeditions were planned and carried out so satisfactorily 
that there was no place left in which the chiefs could hide, and 
the result was they were all forced to surrender. From this 
time the Civil Administration gradually gained strength, and 
soon spread its sheltering wings over the whole country, thus 
enabling the people to enjoy continued peace and happiness. 

Formosa is not the only place where there have been 
abuses arising out of military administration or throi^h the 
faithlessness of interpreters. M. de Lanessan, at one time 
Governor-General of Indo-China, in his book, Hisloty of 
French Administration in Annam and Tonkin, tells how one 
interpreter in Saigon attempted to stir up disaffection at the 
court, overawed the r^ent and the ministers, and almost threw 
the whole country into confusion, but was at last banished. 
Moreover he shows the evil of relying solely on military power, 
and says : " Military force should never be regarded as the only 
means of subduing people. For many years this method has 
been sadly abused. I consider it my duty to put an end to 
this as soon as possible." True to this idea, he paid great re- 
spect to the native rulers and treated all other natives with 
courtesy, and so gained the confidence of the Government and 
people, and restored order. This line of policy lost him popu- 
larity among military circles in France, and led to his recall, but 
it assuredly established on sound foundations the prosperity of 
French Indo-China. 

In my opinion, the evils incident to military government 
and to government through interpreters are the same to-day 
as they were in ancient times, both in the East and in the 
West, and nothing but wisdom and resolution can overcome 
them. 

As already stated, under Viscount Kodama's administration, 
the influence and power of the military and civil branches of 
the service were equalised, each branch assisting the other. 
Regulations were also issued, whereby military and civil officials 
without distinction were required to salute each other according 
to their respective ranks, whenever they passed each other in 




A 



p 



BRIEF SURVEY OF OUR SUCCESSES 7 

the street. These r^ulations did much to aire the military of 
their arrogant ways ; indeed, I consider that this curbing of 
the military power deseni-es special mention in this book, as I 
am convinced that it contributed materially to the success of 
our administration in Formosa. 

As long as the brigand.s were still unsubdued the police 
were kept busy, attacking first this band, then that, so that 
little time or strength was left them for attending to their 
proper duties. But now that the brigands have been put down, 
the police are able to devote themselves entirely to the pro- 
tection ofthe inhabitants and to the maintenance of order among 
them. They are also beginning to gain the respect and con- 
fidence of the natives, and In consequence the hold of the 
Government upon the people is greatly strengthened. 

From the time Formosa passed under Chinese rule, after 
Koxinga's defeat and death, down almost to the present day, 
there were continual disturbances, at least twenty of which 
were outbreaks of some importance ; in short, the island never 
was entirely free from rebellion. True, there were brief periods 
of apparent peace, but the authorities secured these by bribing 
the brigand chiefs and governed with their assistance for the 
time being. The inhabitants, therefore, came to regard the 
brands as their possible future rulers, and felt that any turn 
of fortune's wheel might make them their actual governors. 
With this thought they paid taxes to the rightful government 
and also to the brigands. When our Government, therefore, as 
a new-comer unacquainted with the customs of the country, 
first attempted the subjection of the brigands, the inhabitants 
laughed in their sleeves, thinking it was like endeavouring to 
dry up the ocean. Considering our defeat as a foregone con- 
clusion, they remained subservient to the brigands, while at the 
same time professing allegiance to their new rulers. To their 
extreme surprise, however, the brigands were entirely sup- 
pressed, and the inhabitants became at once perfectly willing to 
obey the Japanese Government. 

With the restoration of peace and order all industries in 
Formosa began to develop with astonishing rapidity; signs of 
increasing prosperity are evident throughout the whole island. 
The first great Japanese private undertaking, the Formosa 
Sugar Company in Kyoshito, had at the outset many difficulties 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

; but it is said that the net profits this year (1904) 
will amount to about 20 per cent This success has roused 
and encouraged the wealthy Formosans, who never had suf- 
ficient faith in the Chinese administration to invest their capital 
in the development of the resources of the island. Six new 
sugar refineries have already been established or are now being 
organised. This shows the confidence of the inhabitants in our 
rule and what rapid strides industry is making. 

I had striking evidence of the progress achieved at a con- 
ference of the governors from all the districts in the island, held 
in Taihoku during my visit All the questions discussed at this 
meeting related to industry, e.g., irrigation, engineering plans, 
experimental farms, etc Thus the various District Civil 
Offices which in the past all seemed as if they were branches 
of the Main Police Office, have now come to look like 
branches of an Industrial Bureau. All this is the result of the 
new administration under which the brigands have been sup- 
pressed, and all law-abiding citizens enabled to enjoy security 
of life and property. 

One result of this peace and progress has been to make 
Formosa financially independent of the mother -country. Since 
1896, the Japanese Government has granted the island regular 
assistance in the form of a considerable annual subsidy. It 
must be admitted that much of that money was squandered. 
This, however, was unavoidable, and may be regarded as the 
price paid by the mother -country for her first lessons in govern- 
ing a colony. 

In olden times, Spain exploited her colonies solely in her 
own interest ; she systematically prevented the growth of native 
manufactures, and only allowed the inhabitants to use articles 
imported from the metropolis, making it her principle that the 
mother-country should always enrich herself by squeezing the 
colonies to the greatest possible extent On the other hand, 
England always seeks to follow the saying, "The mother- 
country should always pour as much gold as possible into her 
colonies so that they may return a large interest". But the 
changes that have taken place in international relations during 
the last few years, have given rise to another precept, " Always 
encourage your colonies to undertake new enterprises, so far 
as their strength will allow". Every colonial power has en- 



f 



BRIEF SURVEY OF OUR SUCCESSES 9 

deavoured to practise this, the latest precept, but found it next 
to impossible to do so. 

We may well congratulate ourselves, therefore, that since 
Formosa first came into our possession, our Government has 
steadfastly followed this rule, and in consequence, within the 
short period of nine years, the island has become self-supporting. 
In the Budget for 1904, the subsidy receivable from Japan was 
entered as Yen 1,490,000; and even in 1907 Japan expected 
to have to pay over as much as Yen 1,200,000. Nevertheless, 
the Formosan authorities were able to decline half the subsidy 
for 1904, although the Diet had already sanctioned the payment 
of the full amount mentioned above. Moreover, they have, it 
is said, resolved to receive no more subsidies, but to make the 
island's revenue cover the whole of the expenditure. This 
shows how well the island is governed. 

It is now about a hundred years since France began to rule 
her oldest colonies in Indo-China, and at least twenty since she 
acquired the last, the whole area thus governed covering 363,000 
square miles with a (xipulation of 17,620,000. But as, according 
to the Estimates for 1902. the expected revenue amounted only 
to 32,295,000 piastres, France had to face the prospect of having 
to pay out a subsidy of 30,000,000 francs. Algeria with an area 
of 184,474 square miles and a population of 4,739,556 is said to 
be the most prosperous colony France possesses, but as its 
revenue is only 66,799,372 francs, this one colony draws from 
France a yearly subsidy of 74,697,455 francs. Of course we 
must remember that 55,918,71 1 francs of this sum go back to 
France each year as military taxes, income from monopolies, 
etc, but even if these be deducted the French Government has 
still to pay out over 1 8,500,000 francs per annum. (The above 
figures are taken from the French Budget for 1900.) ' 

' After the above had been written, an es<iay by Mr. Allen Iieland, on 
" Colonial AdminiBtralion in the Tropics," appeared in the London Timtt for 
3l«( Augost, 1904. According to this article. M. Doumer'B policy in Indo-China 
bu proved a success, and that colony has now reached the point of no longer 
receiving subsidies from ihe hoine>land. Truly remarkable progress has also been 
raade in oiber ways. Not long ago this colony was receiving an annual subsidy 
of Vijooo,ooo francs, and the total amount it has cost the Home Government 
during the past ihirty-tive years is 7;o.ooo,tioo francs. Bui as the subsidy waa 
not quite sufficient lo meet the deficiency in the revenue, Public Loan bonds 
were issued in 1896 to the amount of So.ooo.ooa (rancs. Now, however, it has 
become financially independent. In 1893 its foreign trade amounted only to 



10 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

Formosa, on the other hand, has only an area of 14,000 square 
miles while the population does not exceed 3,079,692, and but 
nine years have passed since we began colonizing the island. 
For these reasons it is hardly fair to compare it with the two 
French colonies mentioned above. The island's revenue, how- 
ever, already amounts to Yen 20,000,000 yearly, sufficient to 
obviate the necessity of drawing any further subsidies from 
Japan. From this we conclude that our colonial policy, having 
already passed through the French, has now entered the Eng- 
lish era. 

According to the returns for the year 1904, the Japanese 
residents numbered 53,365, not including soldiers ; the students 
in Government and private schools receiving instruction through 
Japanese teachers numbered 26,700; 180 licences had already 
been granted to doctors who had studied Western medical 
sciences and were practising in the island. 

While in 1896 there were in the whole island only 80 pillar 
boxes and 45 offices where postage stamps could be bought, 
there are now 726 pillar boxes and 547 offices where stamps 
are on sale. Letters and postal packets received from Japan 
and other foreign countries numbered 16,300,000. showing since 
1896 an annual increase of about 14 per cent.; while those 
despatched from the island during the same year (1904) 
numbered 15,500,000, showing an annual increase of about 
15 per cent. 

Telephones are now in use in Taihoku, Taichii, Kelung and 
Tamsui ; and long distance telephones are also employed in 
some places. The telegraph lines, which in 1896 only measured 
710 miles, now extend 2,700 miles. Wireless telegraphy is also 
in use in some districts to which the ordinary lines have not yet 
been extended. In 1898, only 1,737 steamers, 12 sailing vessels 
and 13,746 Chinese junks entered Formosan ports; but the 
number entering in 1904 was 2,215 steamers, 135 sailing vessels 
and 36,322 Chinese junks. In 1896 the total value of the ex- 
ports only amounted to Yen 1 1,402,227. These had increased 
to Yen 22,822,431 in 1904, while the imports had increased 
during the same period from Yen 8,631,001 to Yen 22,994.85'}' 

161,000.000 hancti, whereas now it is over 400,000,000 francs, and all viailois 
are greatly impressed with admiration for the geniui! which haa caused thi» 
wonderful progress, (Written 12th October, 1904.) 




BRIEF SURVEY OF OUR SUCCESSES ii 

Confidence in the Law Courts, and in the Civil Administra- 
tion, is firmly established throughout the island ; we^hts and 
measures have been corrected according to standard so as to 
insure just and fair dealing; harbours have been improved, 
roads made, sanitary matters attended to, laws for protecting 
the destitute promulgated, life and property made secure, so 
that journeys may now be undertaken without risk. In short, 
an entirely new Formosa has arisen unknown in past history. 

Baron Goto, Chief of the Civil Administration Bureau, said 
to me one day, " 1 wish to found Formosa on scientific prin- 
ciples ", Judging from the condition of the island to-day, I am 
inclined to think that the Baron's desire is being realized. 

Most French colonies have hitherto been failures — Algeria 
is considered the most successful, and Indo-China comes next 
The success attained in the latter has been ascribed to MM. 
de Lanessan and Doumer, both of whom held the position of 
Govern or- General for a time. On their return to France, their 
fame was in everybody's mouth. Yet in truth their success 
is not to be compared with that achieved by our administra- 
tion in Formosa. If we also remember how handicapped our 
country always is by lack, not only of capital, but also of able 
and powerful merchants, we shall more fully appreciate how 
brilliant is the success, which has crowned the efforts of our 
great colonial leader. Viscount Kodama — the maker ofFormosa 
— and of his able lieutenant, Baron Goto, Chief of the Civil 
Administration Bureau. Nor let us forget the honour due to 
the Diet, the members of which, without any of that jealousy 
by which colonial governors have so often been hampered, 
granted the Formosan authorities freedom of administration 
and also liberal financial assistance. I cannot but rejoice that 
we, Japanese, have passed our first examination as a colonizing 
nation so creditably. The thought also of the future fills my 
heart with joy, because, as the Southern Cross seems to invite 
the mariner to investigate the wonders of the Southern Seas, so 
our successes in Formosa beckon us on to fulfil the great destiny 
that lies before us, and make our country " Queen of the Pacific ".' 

' The above was written before the Bailie of the Japan Sea, when Japan 
oveccaine the Russian Armada, and thus practically became " Queen of the 



L 



CHAPTER n. 



Tranotcr of Formosa lo Japan— Copy of agieemenS — Spain's altitude towatds 
Japan — Attitude oi Germany — Governors- General of Formosa — Brief history 
of Viscount Kodania— The official residence— Mr. Maxwell's cslimate oE 
Viscount Kodama— The Viscount as a poet — The island passes through three 
stages : military rule, Colonial Department rule, and civil rule introduced by 
Kodama — Changes in Governor- General's oliice and in local administration 
— Sifting the officials — Topographical ignorance — Sweeping dismissals — 
Island divided into twenty Cho— Regulations for officials— A Government 
library — Relations between higher and lower officials— The Governor' 
General's powers; responsible only to Imperial Cabinet — France's fickle 
colonial policy — Neglected study of Formosa — England's colonial policy — 
Crown colonies— Semi -responsibte colonies — Responsible colonies — Chat- 
tered Companies — Principles underlying England's policy — Colonies un- 
affected by foreign treaties^-Frcnch colonies — Powers of the Governor- 
General — Reforms introduced by M. Doumer in I ndo- Chin a— Policy of decen- 
tralisation and policy of rattacktuual — Colonial representation in Parliament 
—French authority classified — Governor-General no longer interfered with 
— Dutch policy at work in Java— German Protectorates— The problem before 
Japan — Dismiual of the Chief Justice of Formosa — Is Formosa really a 
colony ? — What is a colony } — Constitutional Government in colonics the 
exception, not the rule — American and British precedents — Introducing the 
Japanese Constitution is yet dangerous — If introduced, one law for all — For- 
mosa not yet ripe for the Constitution— Laws which differ in Japanand For- 
mosa — Japanese laws enforced in Formosa — Need of special criminal and 
civil codes — Formosa really a colony — Formosa resembles a British Crown 
colony — The Executive Council— British Colonial Councils — French Colo- 
nial Councils — The voice of the people — Rank of the officials — Various 
bureaus — Officials appointed by examination — Comparison with the Dutch 
method — Superior quality of the Foimosan officials — Britain's generous 
treatment of her colonial officials — Hardships of colonial life — Salaries in 
Formosa — Salaries in British colonies — Plea for larger emoluments. 

Thk 17th of April, 189S, is a daylong to be remembered by us, 
because on that day the people and territory belonging to another 
nation were transferred to our rule, a fact never before met with 
in all the twenty-five long centuries of our national existence, 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF FORMOSA 13 

and thus the Empire of Japan came to be counted among the 
colonial powers of the world. On that day, the Emperor of 
China, by virtue of the stipulations of the Treaty of Shimono- 
scki, ceded to us the island of Formosa tc^ether with all the 
adjacent islands. The meeting for that purpose should have 
been held on shore, but when Count Kabayama, who had 
already been appointed Govern or-Genera! of the island, at- 
tempted to land at the head of an expeditionary- army and navy, 
the Chinese troops gave him such a warm reception that he de- 
sisted. An interview, therefore, took place on board the ss. 
Yokohama Maru off Kelung between Governor-Genera! Count 
Kabayama and Lord Li Ching-fang, the Chinese plenipoten- 
tiary, when the following document was exchanged : — 

" Their Imperial Majesties the Emperors of japan and China 
have, in accordance with article S, paragraph S of the Peace 
Treaty of ShJmonoseki, each despatched as their respective 
plenipotentiaries for the purpose of ceding and receiving the 
island of Formosa : the former Admiral Count Kabayama 
Sukeyoshi, Govern or- General of Formosa, Junii, First Order 
of Merit; the latter, Li Ching-fang, ex-Minister of the Diplo- 
matic Service, of the Second Official Rank. 

" The plenipotentiaries have met at Kelung and executed 
the following agreement : — 

" In accordance with article 2 of the Peace Treaty of Shimo- 
noseki, the plenipotentiaries of the Empires of Japan and China 
have effected on the 1 7th day of the 4th month of the 28th year 
of Meiji, or the 23rd dayofthe^rd month of the aist year of 
Kocho, the transfer of the suzerainty over the island of Formosa 
and over all the islands thereunto belonging, and in addition 
over the Pescadores, and also over all the adjacent islands lying 
in the sea from 119 E. long, to 120 E, long, and from 23 N, 
lat to 24 N. lat, all ceded for eternity by China to Japan, together 
with all the fortresses, munition factories, and official buildings as 
mentioned in the annexed memorandum. 

" In witness whereof, we, the plenipotentiaries of the two 
Empires, have signed our names and affixed our seals. Made 
at Kelung, in duplicate, on the 2nd day of the 6th month of the 
28th year of Meiji, or the lOth day of the sth month of the 
2 1st year of Kocho. 

" List of the fortresses, munition factories, and official build- 



14 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

ings existing in the island of Formosa and in the adjacent 
islands, as well as in the Pescadores. 

" I. All the fortresses, munition factories, and official build- 
ings situated in the open ports, as well as in the confines of 
every city, district and prefecture. 

"2. Concerning the submarine cable connecting Formosa 
with the province of Fokein, the Governments of Japan and 
China shall negotiate hereafter and come to an understanding." 

In this way, our country attained for the first time, its 
position as a colonial power, and was at once brought into 
contact with other powers. The Government of Spain, seeing 
our advance southward, began to feel uneasy, and, in order to 
avoid possible friction in the future, an understanding was come 
to in 189S, to the effect that, taking as the boundary an imagin- 
ary line drawn through the middle of the Bashee Straits, Spain 
should not claim any sovereignty over the islands lying to the 
north and north-east of this line; and Japan, in like manner, 
should not claim possession of the islands lying to the south 
and south-east of the same line. The Spanish Government saw 
fit to confer a high order on our Premier and Foreign Minister, 
thus giving practical proof of the good feeling and respect which 
the people of Spain entertained towards this country. 

After the Philippines had passed into the possession of the 
United States, the German Government purchased the Caro- 
lines, the Ladrones and the Pelew Isles, 550 square miles in all 
(which had been governed by Spain as a part of the Philip- 
pines), for 25,000,000 pesetas (about ;£' 1,000,000). The German 
Premier, Count Buelow, in reporting the transaction to the 
Reichstag, spoke of Japan in high terms, and said among other 
things, that Germany had not bought the islands with any 
thought of thwarting the advance of energetic and enterprising 
Japan. Indeed, this is the first time that Japan was taken into 
consideration in the WeltpoHtik. This purchase by Germany, 
the annexation of the Hawaian Islands by the United States, 
and the cession of the Philippines, may all be considered as in 
some measure due to the stimulus of our new possession of 
Formosa. 

The first Governor-General of Formosa was Count Kaba- 
yama, who remained in oflice from May, 1895, to June, 1896. 
Count Katsura took his place, but only occupied the position 



J 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF FORMOSA 



»S 



til) Ac October of the same )-ear, when he ns succcedecl by 
Baron Nogi Baron Nogi retired in Fcbruar>-, 189S, and »-as 
succeeded by Vlscoont Kodama, who has bc«n G<n-cmor^ 
Gcnend ever stnce. All these men were not equally fitted fisr 
tbe post Some were vcr>- able, and entertained many enter- 
pming plans for the poctfiaition and development of our new 
possesstoa, bat owing to Cabinet charges, the)' were transferred 
to other posts before tbey had had time to do anything. 

Of all these Governors-General, the man who has been in 
office the longest is Viscount Kodama. and he alone has had 
ample opportunity to gi^-e full play to his abilities. It would 
be unjust to ignore entirely the great merits of other Go^'cmora- 
Geoeral, but it is safe to affirm that it is chitfly owing to tha 
onttring and energetic administration of Go\-cra or -General 
Kodama, that Formosa has attained her present prosperity. 
As a small tree cannot flourish if always overshadoM-ed by a 
b^ tree, so the brilliant abilities of \'iscount Kodama were for 
a loi^ time eclipsed by the greater renown of Marquis Yama* 
gata. Sprung from the ranks, the Viscount, at the time of the 
war with China in 1894 and 1S95, reached the potirly [>iiid but 
very arduous post of Vice-Minister for War. Thoi^h he then 
exhibited many proofs of his unbounded energy and brilliant 
abilities, it is onlj' comparatively recently that his real talents 
have come to be recognised. But all this time, the seeiLs which 
were sown long since by his unflagging industry and indomit- 
able perseverance have been steadi!)' pu-shing their roots down- 
wards unheeded by the world at large, until now, at length, a 
stalely tree may be seen shooting out branches in every direc- 
tion. In 1898. when he went to Formosa as Governor-General, 
he was the central brain, so to speak, of the whole army, and 
most of the important military positions were held by his inti- 
mate friends. He had but to touch the button of the electric 
bell in his office, and his will was at once known throughout the 
whole army. Indeed, his departure for Formosa was nothing 
less than a step up into the Temple of Politics, out of the rigid 
walls of the army. He entered the Cabinet in I904, when a 
slight change occurred in the fiersonm/ of the Katsura Cabinet, 
and receiving the portfolio of Home Minister, as well as that of 
Minister of Education, planned great administrative reforms. 
But he was soon again obliged to don his military uniform and 



i6 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

become Vice-Chief of the Genera! Staff Office in preparation 
for the war with Russia. 

It is entirely due to the evils which have been caused by Clan 
government during the past thirty years, that at such a critical 
juncture, when the country was confronting a most terrible 
danger, and when if ever the right man was required in the 
right place, such a briSliant man as the Viscount did not at 
once become Chief of the Genera! Staff Office, but was made 
merely Vice-Chief, an appointment indeed which many persons 
would have felt it beneath their dignity to accept. The 
youngest of the long line of statesmen of the Choshu Clan, 
he was destined to play a prominent part in the last act of 
Clan politics. If he manage.s to steer the ship of State suc- 
cessfully through the present period of transition, he will cer- 
tainly make a name for himself 

When the writer was staying at Taihoku, he went one day 
to the Govern or- General's official residence, to call on Lieu- 
tenant -General Kurose and give him a message from one of 
his relations. The house is a substantial stone building, and 
though by no means grand, is on a stately scale and worthy 
of being the official residence of the Viceroy of Formosa. 
Many objections were raised at first to the expenditure, but 
it seems to me quite justifiable. The fact is that both our 
Chinese and Formosan subjects are very materialistic, seeing 
nothing great save in the glitter of gold, a gorgeous military 
display, pompous ceremonies and magnificent buildings. A 
Chinese poet in the Tang dyna.sty once sang " How shall the 
people realize the Emperor's majesty, if the Imperial palace be 
not stately?" In order to establish the national prestige in 
the island and eradicate the native yearnings after tlie past, it 
is most fitting that the authorities should erect substantial and 
imposing buildings, and thus show that it is their determination 
to rule the country permanently. Baron Goto, Director of the 
Civil Administration Bureau, after showing me over the Gover- 
nor-General's residence, conducted me to a small room on the 
ground floor, which, he told me, had been especially erected for 
his own accommodation when he came to receive the Governor- 
General's instructions. A spacious upstairs room had been set 
apart for the Govern or- General's own use, but he being natur- 
ally very frugal and fond of living plainly, had appropriated the 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF FORMOSA [; 

small room on the ground floor, so that, when I was there, 
Baron Goto was using an adjoining room which belonged to 
one of the secretaries, 

While we were conversing, I took up the Standard, and 
read an article by Mr. W. Maxwell, in which he described an 
interview he had had with Viscount Kodama, who was at that 
time Baron, and compared him to Lord Roberts, the great 
English general. The whole article is too long to reproduce 
here, so the following extract must suffice : — 

" To the responsibilities and difficulties of his great position, 
Baron Kodama has brought the wisdom, the judgment, the 
unswerving rectitude and the inexhaustible perseverance that 
have distinguished him throughout his career. He is a man of 
strong character, and possesses in no small degree the indefin- 
able quality known as personal magnetism. He has that in- 
finite capacity for taking pains which Michael Angelo called 
genius. Night and day he sits at his desk, attending to the 
multitudinous details incident to his position ; yet his door is 
never closed upon a friend, or even upon a stranger who has 
the least claim to his attention. . , . Baron Kodama is certainly 
a man who inspires confidence." 

During my stay in Taihoku, I used to take a walk in the 
suburbs early every morning. One day I was taken to see 
Nansaien, the Governor-General's country house. I expected 
a spacious building, and so was much surprised when I was 
shown into a small field, where stood a plain cottage, the cost 
of which, I afterwards learned, did not exceed £ig- Here the 
Viscount loved to assemble the learned men of the island and 
compose Chinese poems, the result of which appeared in the 
form of a collection of verses under the name of Nansaien 
Shishu (collection of Poems from Nansaien). I believe acts 
like this enabled him to touch the hearts of the natives. 

On arriving in the island, he felt that his first duty was to 
reform entirely the administrative organisation. According to 
a provisional ordinance promulgated in May, 1 894, the Govemor- 
General's Office was divided into three distinct bureaus^ 
Civil Administration, Naval and Military. The ordinance 
further provided that the Civil Administration Bureau should 
have direct supervision over all political matters, except those 
relating to the army and navy. But in spite of this provision, 



L 



i8 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

the said bureau's sphere of influence was very limited, so that 
at times it almost seemed as though nothing could be done 
without the consent of the military. This period has therefore 
been called "The Age of Military Administration." i.e., the 
" Age of Mistakes and Failures ". 

Afterwards many administrative reforms were introduced, 
but in reality the power remained in the hands of the military 
coterie. At this time, Formosa was really under the Depart- 
ment of Colonial Affairs; and so it came about that the greater 
part of the administration was not carried out in the island, but 
in the Colonial Department in Tokyo. Thus this period was 
called " The Colonial Department Age," i.e., " The Age of 
Discord ". 

In October, iSg/, the Governor- General's Office was divided 
into five departments — Governor-General's Secretariat, Civil 
Administration Bureau, Financial Bureau. Military Staff and 
Naval Staff; the Financial Bureau being placed on the same 
footing as the Civil Administration Bureau. 

After Viscount Kodama became Governor-General, the 
Governor-General's Office was made in June, l8g8, to consist 
of four departments — Govern or -General's Secretariat, Civil 
Administration Bureau, Military Staff and Naval Staff. 
Furthermore, special orders were issued, prohibiting the 
members of the military and naval staffs having recourse to 
arms, except at the express request of the Civil Administration 
Bureau It was also decided, that in all councils held at the 
Governor-General's Office, neither the military, nor the naval 
staffs should have any voice at all, excepting only on matters 
relating to their respective spheres, Thus the Civil Adminis- 
tration Bureau became the real head. Such a reform could 
only be achieved by a Cover nor- General who was himself a 
statesman, as well as a soldier. Most of the important adminis- 
trative successes achieved in the island are the result of this 
one change. 

The reforms effected in the internal administration of the 
island, are far more remarkable than those which have already 
been alluded ta Under the regulations issued June, 189S, the 
island was divided into three prefectures — Taihoku, Taichu 
and Tainan. These were further subdivided into eight Cho, 
the Pescadores forming an additional one. After two months, 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF FORMOSA 



■9 



however, this was abolished, fn 1896, another plan of division 
was adopted. According to this, there were six prefectures — 
Talhokii, Tainan, Taichu, Shinchiku, Kagi and Hozan, and 
three Cho — Giran. Taito and the Pescadores. In each prefec- 
ture and Cho, Business Offices, Police Offices, and Conciliation 
Offices were established to the number of sixty-five in the 
whole island. This system was superseded in i S97. Governor- 
General Kodama established three perfectures — Taihoku. 
Taichu and Tainan, and four Cho — Giran, Taito, Koshun 
and the Pescadores. Under these there were forty-four Busi- 
ness Offices, which number, however, was later reduced to 
thirty. 

In June, 1901, this arrangement was again superseded, and 
twentj- Cho were established — Taihoku, Kelung, Giran, 
Shtnko, Toshien. Shinchiku, Bioritsu, Taichu, Shoka, Nanto, 
Toroku, Kagi, Ensuiko, Tainan, Banshorio, Hozan, Ako, 
Koshun, Taito and the Pescadores. The Cho ranks a little 
lower than a prefecture (Ken), but above a district (Gun) in 
Japan. The Governor of a Cho is appointed from among 
ordinary civil officials, and the office under him is divided into 
three sections — General Affairs, Taxation and Police, but as 
most of the business of the first two sections can only be carried 
out with the assistance of the police, the Cho branch offices 
are under the direction of police-sergeants, and the staffs con- 
sist of ordinary police. All the civil affairs are managed by 
the police, so that their number has been greatly increased, 
and they have become the chief support of the Civil Adminis- 
tration Bureau. Thus the Governor-General's orders easily 
reach the people, the views of the local officials are quickly 
transmitted to the higher officials, and the government is 
greatly accelerated. 

In this way, a good system of government has been estab- 
lished. But. without efficient officials to carry the reforms into 
effect, they will come to nothing. Therefore, it seems, that at 
the time the change was made, the authorities fell the urgent 
necessity of dispensing with all old, incapable and undesirable 
officials, and in.statling in their places thoroughly qualified and 
able men imbued with new ideas. Further, the education of 
the officials, actually employed in the Governor-General's Office, 
seemed to be an urgent matter. But this is no place to 



20 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

rehearse all the mistakes and misdeeds committed by the 
higher officials in that "Age of Commotion," and in truth, 
when we consider that most of them erred unwittingly, we 
shall, I am convinced, feel that the time has come when we 
oi^ht to stop whipping dead dogs. 

Let me, however, give one instance. When Viscount 
Kodama was appointed Govern or- General, seeing that the 
methods of administration were very unwieldy, he consulted 
the officials as to the advisability of making a change in the 
above-mentioned departments, but though four years had 
passed since the island had come into our possession, not one 
of the officials was sufficiently well acquainted with the geo- 
graphical features of the country to give him much assistance. 
This seems at first sight almost incredible, but it is neverthe- 
less a fact, and the reason is not far to seek. At that time It 
took nine days to go from Taihoku to Tainan ; and only those 
officials who had more abilities and influence than their col- 
leagues, ever had the opportunity of taking a trip through the 
island. Moreover, when thty had completed their survey, 
they were usually at once transferred to some good position 
in Japan, away from the scorching southern heat Indeed, so 
often was this the case, that the island of Formosa came to be 
considered merely a stepping-stone to some higher official 
position. As it was. Viscount Kodama was obliged to have 
recourse to the old maps drawn during the time of the Chinese 
occupation. Not only was there this lack of gecgraphical 
knowledge, but in addition, very few of the officials were 
acquainted with the native languages, and, as a consequence, but 
little was known of the customs and disposition of those whom 
they governed. Small wonder, then, that no perceptible suc- 
cesses were achieved. 

A full set of carpenter's tools was, it is said, found in the 
iu^age of one man who went to Formosa as a policeman, but 
who really intended to spend most of his time doing carpenter's 
work. This is only one example of the extremely lax and 
irregular state of things which then existed. There were also 
not a few of the higher officials then in Formosa, who looked 
upon the island as a fine preserve for the purpose of office 
hunting. Seeing the necessity of banishing all these, the 
Governor-General, with his usual statesmanlike determination, 



J 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF FORMOSA 21 

effected a sweeping clearance. It is said that, for some weeks 
about that time, every steamer from Formosa calling at Moji, 
brought home hundreds of discarded officials. 

Moreover, the Governor- General directed that all officials 
should wear a special uniform, whenever they were travelling, 
and also while they were on duty. This dress resembled that of 
a naval officer, the only difference being that the officials wore 
a sword, in place of the da^er carried by naval men. This 
ingenious device not only saved expenses for clothes, but also 
helped the wearers to maintain their proper dignity, adding to 
their sense of importance, and making them more ready to bear 
hardships in the performance of their duty. Thus it proved 
very effectual in maintaining order and discipline. 

Again, as Formosa was a newly opened country, the con- 
ditions were different from those existing in Japan, so that the 
officials experienced great difficulty in finding suitable houses 
or lodgings. To obviate this, accommodation was provided for 
all Government employees either in official buildings or in speci- 
ally erected boarding houses. Each one of these official re- 
sidences and boarding houses was placed under the supervision 
of its own committee, who were held responsible for matters 
relating to hygiene and discipline. Furthermore, the occupants 
of these buildings were forbidden to keep fowls, to put fruit or 
other articles into the water tubs for cooling purposes, to leave 
clothes, etc., that had been washed, hanging on the edge of the 
said tubs, or to draw any water from the large reservoir except 
with the wooden dipper provided for that purpose. When I 
read these rules, I realized something of the endless details to 
which the boarding-house committees were obliged to attend. 
And 1 could not forbear smiling when 1 read further, that those 
who had families were not allowed to take in other persons, 
except their near relatives, who required their help and protec- 
tion; and I wondered what would happen if the same rules 
were enforced in Tokyo. 

During my stay in Taihoku, I often went to Baron Goto's 
official residence and was astonished at the splendid collection 
of books there. These were arranged on shelves built on both 
sides of the corridors, both upstairs and down. Afterwards I 
was told by the Baron that the greater part of this collection 
belonged to the Governor-General's office, and he added, " You 



22 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

know we look upon the Governor-General's office as a sort of 
university where we may study the theories and principles of 
colonization, in which branch of knowledge we, Japanese, are 
at present not over-well-posted. The Governor-General is the 
president, I am the manager, and this room we are now in is 
the library of this Colonization University." 

The officials also hold Reading Society meetings two, three, 
and even four times a month, when the members talk over the 
contents of the books they have been reading. These books, 
however, have not necessarily any connection with their olHctal 
duties. Some read books and pamphlets on purely literary 
topics, others follow their predilections and select books of 
travel, romance, or adventure, all being at liberty to choose 
what books they wish. 

At the time of my second visit in June, 1905, there happened 
to be a meeting in Taihoku of all the District Governors, and I 
saw the provincial officials attending, outside the council hours, 
the meetings of the Reading Society and listening to lectures 
given by the members. Several non-official residents of the 
dty were also to be seen among the audience. When Lord 
Curzon was Viceroy of India, he exhorted the British officials 
there, never to lose their official attitude when attending to offi- 
cial business, and also never to lose the spirit and energy of 
their school days. Indeed, I cannot but extol the good tact 
and minute attention shown by Viscount Kodama and the 
officials under him, in thus endeavouring to promote and im- 
prove the intellectual status of the sub-offictals, and I am con- 
vinced that the results will be seen in added efficiency. In 
colonies like Formosa where everything is still in its infancy, 
the government should be largely patriarchal, and the success 
of such a government must depend upon the chiefs attitude 
and feelings towards his subordinates. 

According to the present official organisation of the 
Govern or- General's Office, the Governor-General's powers and 
qualifications are as follows : — 

1. He shall be an Admiral or Vice-Admiral, a General or 
Lieutenant-General, and shall receive his appointment direct 
from the Emperor. 

2. He has full command of the army and navy within the 
limits of his commission. 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF FORMOSA 23 

3. Though properly under the control of the Minister for 
Home Affairs, he shall obey the commands of the Minister of 
War as a!ao those of the Minister of the Navy, in all matters 
relating to military or naval administration, and in affairs re- 
lative to the appointment and transfer of military and naval 
men. In time of war. however, he shall obey the commands 
of the Chief of the General Staff Office or of the Chief of the 
Naval Board of Command. In matters relating to military 
education he shall obey the commands of the Inspector -General 
of Military Education. 

4. He can issue an ordinance by virtue of his official au- 
thority or of the power specially entrusted to him and may 
append thereto punitive provisions, but is not permitted to im- 
pose a fine of more than Yen 200 nor a term of imprisonment 
exceeding one year. 

5. He has power to employ military force. 

6. He can order the Chief of the Garrison or the other 
resident military officers, to aid the Civil Government in addition 
to their r^ular duties, whenever the same may be required. 

7. He can suspend or cancel all regulations and judicial 
decisions given by the chiefs of Cho. 

8. He has full power to promote, dismiss or disciphne all 
officials of Hannin rank and below ; but in regard to those of 
Sonin rank and over, he is required to appeal to the Throne, 
through the Minister for Home Affairs, and also through the 
Prime Minister. 

From the above, it will be seen that the powers given to 
the Govern or- General are very extensive. His authority, how- 
ever, may only be exercised within the limits of the sphere to 
which he is appointed. Therefore, for the purpose of clearly 
defining his powers. Law No. 63 was issued in March, 1896. 
This states : — 

1. He is duly empowered to enact ordinances which shall 
have the same binding power as laws. 

2. Such ordinances must first be approved by the Council 
held in the Govemor-General's office, and shall then be sub- 
mitted through the Minister for Colonial Affairs for the ap- 
proval of the Emperor. 

3. In cases of urgency, however, ordinances may be issued 
without the obser\'ance of these formalities. 



24 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

4. If, after an ordinance be issued, it should fail to receive 
the Imperial sanction, the public shall be notified that such 
ordinance is null and void. 

5. In case it be determined that the whole or any part of 
any Japanese law, now in force or hereafter to be enacted, shall 
be also enforced in Formosa, the same shall be made known by 
an Imperial ordinance. 

6. This law shall continue in force from the time of its pro- 
mulgation until March, 1900. 

It may Justly be affirmed that, only after the promulgation 
of the above law, did the Govern or- General obtain sufficient 
authority for the efficient administration of the island. On this 
account the Imperial Diet is to lie heartily praised for having 
been, in this matter, broad-minded and sagacious, and also for 
not having fallen into the ^" me errors as have so often been 
committed by France. In her attitude to her colonies France 
has been vacillating, not having pursued a definite and constant 
policy. At one time, she adopted such an extremely liberal 
policy towards them as to allow them the right to send repre- 
sentatives to the Chamber of Deputies at Paris ; at another, 
this liberality was suddenly transformed into interference and 
suspicion, and every restriction was put on the movements of 
the Governors-General. In fact, each colony must have its own 
particular system of government, which those sitting idly at 
their tables in the Government offices, hundreds of miles away 
in Tokyo, can never hope to understand. 

I hope that our countrymen will give some attention to 
the study of colonization, taking Formosa as their subject. 
The island has been acquired by us at the point of the sword, 
and even after its transfer the reins of government were en- 
trusted to officials of military extraction, all of whom conducted 
the administration of the island by means of temporising 
measures, a system which was indeed quite necessary under 
the circumstances. Since then the military administration has 
given place to the civil, sometimes the one, sometimes the 
other, being uppermost But no one has ever heard of an in- 
stitution being introduced there, which was based on a sincere 
and careful study of the correct methods of colonial administra- 
tion. The Home Government is inclined to regard Formosa 
as something a little bigger than a city or prefecture in Japan, 



1 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF FORMOSA 

or else they treat it in aaxirdance with time-honoured fonnat- 
ities and con%'entionaIities almost inseparable from a red tape 
policy, and this simply because the>' regard the Formosan 
autborities v.-ith more or less suspicion and jealousy. The Im- 
periai Diet also is apt, on account of its jealousy towards the 
executive officials, and also its own ^norance of colonial 
matters, to side with Government ofiiciab. whenever such sub- 
jects are under discussion. As it is, a powerful and weighty 
opinion in regard to Formosa, as a colony, has never yet been 
given. From the colonial history of European powers, it is 
clear that those nations, which have considered their colonies as 
a part and parcel of the home country, have almost always failed 
in their system of go\^einmcnt ; while, as a rule, those nations 
have succeeded which ha\e looked upon their colonies as a 
special kind of body politic quite distinct from the mother-country. 

This truth fully explains the reason why England, among 
all colonial powers, has scored so brilliant a success. At first 
sight, indeed, it seems to make no difference whether we con- 
sider a colony as a part of the mother-countr>-, or as a place 
wholly distinct and separate. However, the different points of 
view from which we r^ard it, cause a wide divergence in the 
conclxisions arrived at. Great Britain divides her colonies into 
four classes according to the systems under which they are 
governed, viz. : — 

I. Crown Colonies.— In these all the officials from the 
Go\-emor down are subject to the orders and supervision of 
the Home Government. The laws are sometimes promulgated 
by order of the Governor; in some cases there is a special 
council which the Governor may consult, and also a legislative 
body for the discussion of legal matters. To this class be- 
long the following : Aden, Basutoland, British Honduras, 
British New Guinea, Ceylon, Falkland Isles, Fiji, Gambia, 
Gibraltar, Grenada, Gold Coast, Hong Kong, Labuan, Ls^os, 
St. Helena, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, 
Tobago, Trinidad and Turks Islands. In all these colonies, 
the Governor is always, in reality, himself the Government. 
Those colonies which Great Britain has acquired by the force 
of arms or by diplomacy are most of them governed as Crown 
Colonies. {British Rule and Jurisdiction beyond the Seas, by 
Sir S. Jenkyns.) 



26 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

2. Semi-responsible Colonies. — These colonies enjoy the 
privil^e of representative government, under the control of a 
Governor who is appointed by the sovereign. The genera] 
principle adopted in these colonies, is that Legislation should be 
largely in the hands of the colonists, but Administration be 
directed from home, through a Governor advised by officials 
appointed by himself, the sovereign retaining only the right of 
veto. Barbados. Natal and Western Australia belong to this 
class. The right of electing representatives is enjoyed by a 
limited number of the English residents, under certain specified 
conditions. In Natal, where there are 73,095 Englishmen out 
of a total population of 959,384, only 15,349 persons were en- 
titled to vote in I902. 

3. Responsible Colonies. — The colonies in this class are 
governed wholly by representatives elected by the people. 
The sovereign has only the power of appointing the Governor- 
General and of refusing his sanction to the laws which are sent 
up for his approbation. The Home Government is powerless 
to interfere with the administration in any way, the Prime 
Minister and the Cabinet being responsible to the legislative 
body of the colony. The Commonwealth of Australia, Canada, 
Cape Colony and Newfoundland all come under this head. 

The main difference between the first class on the one hand, 
and the second and third classes on the other, consists in the 
fact, that while the first class includes those colonies which have 
been acquired by peaceful means or by force of arms, the other 
two classes are mostly those territories, which attracted no 
attention from the British Government when Englishmen first 
settled there, and in which gradually the settlers earned for 
themselves the respect and esteem of the native populations. 
These early settlers may rightly be considered as having oc- 
cupied the land, and as having introduced and implanted there 
the English common law, before the home authorities assumed 
jurisdiction. But in these colonies the number of the natives 
is very large in proportion to the number of English residents, 
so that, when the colony is not fit for responsible government, 
it is sometimes made a Crown Colony. {Colonial Legislature, 
by Tarring,) 

4. Chartered Companies. — These colonies are governed 
through Chartered Companies, which are usually joint-stock 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF FORMOSA 



27 



companies, incorporated for the purpose of opening up the 
country by persons, who are under no orders from the Home 
Government, but who have received from the true owners the 
right of governing the land. In these cases the Home Govern- 
ment grants a charter, by virtue of which the Company is 
authorised, for a certain fixed period, say for twenty or thirty 
years, to exercise the right of governing the territory, to enact 
laws, and to levy taxes and imposts. When this authorisation 
has been granted, the Company's representative may be said to 
be the Governor, the treasurer may be called the Minister of 
Finance, and the head of the police the Minister for Home 
AfTairs and for Justice. All English immigrants and natives 
alike are required to respect and obey the laws and regulations 
made by the Company. Under this head come the present 
English possessions of British North Borneo, Rhodesia, and 
until quite recently Nigeria. These colonies belong, not to the 
Colonial Department, but to the Foreign Office (see the charter 
granted to the British North Borneo Company). When, at 
the expiration of the period agreed upon, the charter lapses, the 
colony usually t>ecomes either a Crown Colony or a Protectorate 
of the fifth class. These colonies are made protectorates, when 
the state of affairs is not yet so far developed as to allow them 
to become Crown Colonies. The protectorates are governed 
by a temporary commission specially despatched. This system 
b only a provisional measure to meet the requirements of the 
colony during its transition stage. (See the Annual Report of 
the Colonial Office.) 

At the present time Great Britain possesses more than 
forty colonies, only eleven of which are privileged to have re- 
sponsible government, through representatives elected by the 
people. Thus at first sight the British colonial system appears 
to be in a state of confusion, but a certain regular plan runs 
through the whole, 

1. The Constitution of the Home Government is never 
applied to the colonies, without modification. 

2. The mother-country does not impose taxes on the 
colonies. 

3. The Parliament of the home country does not directly 
repeal, amend, or enact laws for the colonies, ( Vide Diosy, 
On Constitution; Lewis, On Dependencies.) 



28 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

The above three ruling principles were all adopted after Great 
Britain's bitter experiences with her North American colonies. 
Though.as a matter ofcourse, the Colonial Governments are free 
from the control and surveillance of the Home Parliament, 
and from the restrictions they would be under were the 
Constitution of the mother-country introduced, it must not be 
supposed that they are given absolute freedom in regard to 
financial matters. To supervise these, a Committee for the 
Audit of Colonial Finances is appointed by the Colonial 
Minister, sometimes in conjunction with the Foreign Minister, 
and this committee exercises a rigid control. 

In this way, Great Britain places her colonies outside the 
direct control of either her Parliament or her sovereign, so that 
when she concludes a treaty with a foreign power, the respon- 
sible colonies do not share any of the privileges or responsibili- 
ties thus imposed, until the Colonial Government explicitly 
expresses its willingness to do so. The responsible colonies en- 
joy, however, at the invitation of the Home Government, the 
privilege of taking part, if they so desire, in any international 
conference having no political object, such as, for example, 
those relating to the postal, telegraph, or monetary systems. 
The colonies also have lull freedom to borrow where they will. 
Thus they are granted a large amount of independent action, 
but the colonists, as soon as they leave the colony, are treated 
as subjects of the mother-country, and come therefore under 
the protection of the laws of the Home Government ( Vide 
British Rule and Jurisdiction beyond the Seas, by Sir H, 
Jcnkyns.) 

In France, however, where the people like uniformity and 
arc not willing to adopt methods to suit the requirements of 
each colony as Great Britain has done, the system followed is 
different French dependencies may bedivided into two classes, 
as under : — 

1. Colonies which are governed in some measure accord- 
ing to the laws of the Home Government To this class belong 
such old colonies as Guadeloupe, Martinique, Rc^union, etc 
These enjoy the right of sending one member to the Senate, 
and two representatives to the Chamber of Deputies. 

2. Colonies which are entirely under the control of the 
Governor-General. This class includes, as a rule, colonies in 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF FORMOSA 29 

the tropics. Here the Governor-General is above the pro- 
visions of the laws, and holds in his hand full authority con- 
cerning both civil and military affairs. He has command of 
the navy in the territory under his administration, and is em- 
powered to declare a state of siege in case of emergency. The 
best type of this class is French Indo-China. In 1897, after M. 
Paul Doumer became Govern or- General, the official organisa- 
tion was wholly reformed. It was then determined that though 
the Governor-General should still continue to exercise his juris- 
diction over the colony as a whole, each separate district should 
be left free to administer itself. The Governor-General is 
supreme in matters of legislation, administration and jurisdic- 
tion, and the office was divided into four departments, w. .■ 
Administralive Affairs Bureau, Civil Administrative Bureau, 
Military Affairs Bureau, and Secretary's Bureau. Moreover, 
it was decided, that the revenues derived from indirect taxes 
should all be included in the budget of the Govern or- General's 
Office, while those accruing from direct taxes should be ap- 
propriated for the support of the District Offices. Inasmuch 
as the Governor-General of this colony is able, by virtue of bis 
position, to further French influence in China, he may be said 
to occupy a viceregal position, similar to that held for a short 
time by Viceroy Alexieff in Manchuria. 

Though some French colonies have the privilege of sendir^ 
up one member to the Chamber of Deputies in Paris, they are 
generally limited to electing representatives to the Higher 
Colonial Council which serves as an advisory body to the 
Government In fact, from all times, there have been in 
France two conflicting policies. Under the one, which is called 
■■ Systferoe de Rattachement," the colonies are regarded as 
provinces and departments of France. From the Constitution 
down to the ordinary laws, all the institutions, customs, etc., of 
the home country are introduced into the colonies without 
change or modification of any sort, with the result that they 
become a part of the m other <oun try, not only from the institu- 
tional point of view, but also in r^ard to all their manners and 
customs. This policy was pursued under both the old and new 
Republics, 

According to the other policy, the colonies are regarded 
as a special and separate land, distinct from the home country. 



30 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

and are governed by special laws. This policy was adopted 
by the French statesmen under the Ancien Regime. At the 
time of the great revolution, the popular Parliament, which met 
at Versailles, insisted for the first time on a policy of assimila- 
tion and uniformity in connection with the colonies. Accord- 
ingly in 179s, by virtue of the Constitution, all French colonies 
were given the same standing and were placed on an equal 
footing with the departments and provinces of the mother- 
country. From this time they were granted the right of elect- 
ing members to represent them in the Senate and also in the 
Chamber of Deputies. Afterwards when Napoleon usurped 
the sovereign power, this system of unison and coherence was 
abolished, the old policy being reverted to. Since that time, 
sometimes the one, sometimes the other, of these two antagon- 
istic policie.s has been followed. The introduction of the 
"Systfeme de Rattachement " in Algeria dealt a deadly blow 
to the industries, which had hitherto been in a promising state, 
and placed the political power in the hands of an insignificant 
body of representatives, who acted solely in the interests of the 
few French residents and their friends in Paris. The general 
public, gradually awakening to the errors and scandals of this 
system, began to weary of it, and at last in 1 896 discarded it 
so far as Algeria was concerned. It was subsequently aban- 
doned in the other colonies also. 

Thus to-day, France has six different kinds of authority for 
governing her colonies : — 

1. Laws approved both by the Senate and the Chamber 
of Deputies. 

2. Orders of the Conseil d'Etat under the direction of the 
Minister of Justice. 

3. Orders given by the Cabinet. 

4. Orders issued by the Colonial Minister, 

5. Ordinances issued by the Colonial Council. 

6. Governor-General's orders. 

The above classification is made from the judicial point of 
view, but in realitj' there exists no such distinction, the greater 
part of the authority being vested in the person of the Governor- 
General. Exactly what matters belong to the authority and 
superintendence of the Chamber of Deputies, and what come 
more exclusively under the Governor-General's own control, can 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF FORMOSA 



31 



be stated only in theory, it being almost impossible to draw a 
sharp line of distinction. Furthermore. France has come to 
realize that, however good the system of assimilation may be 
in name, its results are unsatisfactory. In theory, Parliament 
possesses the power of repealing and amending the laws for the 
colonies; but in reality, the two Houses act as though there 
were an implicit understanding between them and the colony, 
and rarely interfere in the internal administration, the members 
merely asking questions in regard to linancial matters. In fact, 
during the twenty-nine years, from 1871 to 1899, only thirty-nine 
resolutions in regard to colonial affairs were brought before the 
Chamber of Deputies. 

Holland's international relations are so insignificant that 
the world at large pays but little attention to the colonial policy 
she has adopted. Still this policy, of which the government of 
Java is a typical example, has been eminently successful. The 
Governor is invested with an authority resembling that of a 
despotic monarch. Not only are all matters connected with 
l^islation and administration entirely in his hands, but he is 
also empowered to declare war against and make peace with 
the native chiefs. Moreover he makes all the official appoint- 
ments, and persons who are considered detrimental to the 
public peace of the island he is authorised to banish. In fact, 
he is little short of absolute, for the sovereign cannot remove 
him at pleasure, but can only impeach him before Parliament 
and the Chamber of Representatives. 

Germany, though the youngest European colonizing power, 
is very skilful in determining the relations between the colonies 
and the mother-country. German colonies, being looked upon 
as protectorates, are placed under the jurisdiction of the Foreign 
Office, a policy which does not allow them to be interfered 
with, either by the officials of the central Government, or by 
Parliament But this policy has now been partly broken down, 
and though Parliament still refrains from interfering in colonial 
affairs, the meddling of the Government officials has become 
extremely troublesome. In consequence, the colonies, under 
the pressure of wearisome routine and cumbrous red tapeism, 
seem unable to develop rapidly. They still, however, enjoy 
some slight benefit from being outside the pale of constitutional 
administration. 



32 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



When the island of Formosa came into our possession, which 
of the above-mentioned policies did our authorities propose to 
adopt in governing our new colony? Few persons, it seems, 
had any clear ideas on the subject But in the course of time 
an unexpected incidenthappened, which necessitated ourdeciding 
whether the island should be regarded as a colony pure and 
simple, or as an integral )art of Japan itself. 

This incident was nothing less than the dismissal of Mr. 
Takenori Takano, the Chief Justice of Formosa. When re- 
quested to surrender his official position on the ground of in- 
efficiency, Mr. Takano protested, but was at last removed by 
force. The grounds for his protest were that he as Chief Justice 
of Formosa was protected by the Constitution, held office for 
life, and could not be dismissed against his will. To this, the 
Government replied that the provisions of the Constitution 
did not apply to Formosa, and that therefore Mr. Takano, as a 
matter of course, could not enjoy the protection guaranteed by 
the Constitution. A consideration of the colonial policy pur- 
sued in such cases by a libera! country like Great Britain, will 
show that there is much justice in this explanation. In all 
British colonies, excepting only those which enjoy the privilege 
of a responsible government, all judges are appointed by the 
Home Government, and may be discharged at any time by the 
Home Government, by the Governor, or by the Council of the 
Colony.^ It is nevertheless clear that public opinion in Japan 
approved Mr, Takano's protest, and looked upon the Govern- 
ment's action as a gross injustice, but this opinion was based 
not on legal or constitutional principles, but was altc^ether 
caused by the nation's ill-feeling towards the Colonial Minister 
then in office, upon whose shoulders the bulk of the blame was 
laid. Mr. Takano. in truth, chose the right time to avail himself 
of the antagonism which the public so commonly feels against 
the Government whose acts they are ready to judge hastily. 
When, however, we consider the case coolly, as we may do now 
that several years have passed, we shall understand the Justice 
of the Government's position, for it is indisputable that the island 
of Formosa is only a colony, and it is almost a reci^nised 
principle among the powers that the Constitution of the home 
country shall not be applied in a newly acquired possession. 



' Brilisk Ruli and yiirisditlioH btyond the Stai, by Sir H. Jenkyi 



d 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF FORMOSA 33 

Students of politics differ widely in their definitions as to 
what constitutes a colony, but iit is usual at present to employ 
the terra in its widest sense. In her laws and r^ulations Eng- 
land calls all her possessions, with the exception of the Isle of 
Man and British India, colonies. Some one may say that as 
Formosa is so near Kiushiu it cannrt be regarded as a colony. 
The proximity to the home country, however, in no way lessens 
the fundamental differences which exist in matters of physical 
condition, traditions, language and race. In fact, the island of 
Formosa, where we, Japanese, have come to establish our power 
and influence over a native population of 3,000.000 people 
differing widely from us in traditions, customs, language, race 
and physical conditions, can only be regarded as a colony, and 
therefore the island can only be governed in accordance 
with the examples and precedents furnished by other colonial 
powers. 

There is no country in the world which prizes liberty and 
constitutional government so highly as England ; but even 
England, with all her liberal-minded ideas, finds it impossible to 
apply her Constitution to her colonies. The reason why some 
of them do enjoy as much liberty as the home country is be- 
cause the English settlers brought it with them as their heritage. 

Western Australia first becamea British colony in 1829 and 
resident Englishmen clamourw! again and again to be allowed 
to have a responsible government But the British home au- 
thorities, feeling the time had not come, promised to accede to 
the wishes of the people as soon as the entire population of the 
colony amounted to 60,000. This promise the British Govern- 
ment fulfilled in 1893 when the population reached the specified 
number. 

The Americans, eager votaries as they are of liberty and 
democracy', were unable when they first obtained possession of 
the Philippines to admit the islands into the Union on an equal 
footing with the other States. This can only be done when the 
American residents are superior to the Philippines either in 
influence or number. 

Japan, who has herself enjoyed the privileges of a Constitu- 
tion but a few years, and has therefore acquired but little ex- 
perience as yet, would be rash indeed, were she to introduce it 
at once into Formosa. It is a doctrine of politics that the 



34 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

inhabitants of a newly acquired land cannot enjoy the privileges 
of the Constitution, unless by a specific notification issued by 
the sovereign of the mother-country. Constitutional govern- 
ment is granted in consideration of the conditions of the country, 
and is a contract to be strictly observed by the inhabitants of 
the country and by their descendants, and should be highly 
prized by all citizens as one of their most precious privileges. 
If the Japanese Empire should, in disregard of these easily 
understandable reasons, venture to apply the Constitution to 
Formosa, the only result will be commotion and disorder. 
Under the Constitution, Japanese and Formosans would enjoy 
equal civic and political rights, and it would be impossible to 
discriminate between the ruling and the conquered races, as is 
done in Hong Kong, where the population is divided into four 
classes of widely different political status, British citizens, 
colonial subjects, registered and unregistered Chinese. The 
spread of Japanese influence and immigration would be checked. 
Summary measures of repression such as are resorted to in case 
ot need would be impossible ; the savages could not be placed 
under restrictions as they are now, and the authorities would be 
greatly hampered in the maintenance of order. 

Again, constitutional government can only be introduced 
when affection towards the mother-country and also the sense 
of self-reliance have been fully developed in the minds of the 
people. But the Chinese in Formosa are as foreign to us 
Japanese, as are the savages themselves, and the Formosan 
Chinese have no more love for Japan than some of the foreigners 
residing in Tokyo. To give them the privileges of our Consti- 
tution would be to teach them to rise up in revolt against us. 

Possibly some one may say, "Allow the Japanese residents 
in the island to enjoy the privileges of the Constitution, but by 
all means exclude the natives and savages ". But if the benefits 
of the Constitution are given to the people of the mother-country, 
the Government must also grant them to those Formosans, who 
have become naturalised as Japanese citizens through having 
lived a short time in Japan. For political reasons, therefore, 
the Constitution cannot yet be introduced into Formosa. Such 
a course must be postponed until the Japanese residents have 
greatly increased, the benefits of education come to be more 
generally enjoyed, and the Formosan sense of loyalty towards 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF FORMOSA 



35 



the home country has been more fully deepened and strength- 
ened : then, and then only, can the same be safely introduced I 
into the island by an ordinance of His Majesty the Emperor. 
Our statesmen have hitherto refrained from pronouncing a clear 
and unanimous opinion in regard to this matter, some maintain- 
ing that the Constitution should be introduced into the island 
at once, others that such a course would be most dangerous. 
Just at present (1904) the Government appears inclined to adopt 
the former view, and grant the Constitution at once, diametric- 
ally opposed though such a course is, not only to the actual 
prevailing conditions, but also to the true interests of the 
inhabitants. 

If I were asked whether the present condition of things in 
Formosa could be met with in any constitutional empire, I 
should have to reply in the negative, and I must repeat that in 
ray humble opinion, the man who considers that Formosa is 
ready for a Constitution really deceives himself and closes his 
eyes to the actual and palpable facts. Such laws as Law No. 
63, etc., lack decision and do not show clearly whether the Con- 
stitution is to be introduced or withheld. In fact, this law is 
simply a perfunctory regulation gilded over so as to impose on 
the people for a time. It seems to me that it would be far 
better to state clearly that Formosa is outside the Constitution. 
Surely the dullest person will acknowledge that the island is 
unlike any district in Japan, since it has its own distinct and 
special characteristics. 

But as the authorities lack sufficient resolution and tact to 
create Formosa a distinct colony, and to allow it a special status, 
they pretend that the Constitution is in force in the island. 
Thus it comes about that many of the laws in force are alto- 
gether at variance with those in Japan. For example, the laws 
of Japan do not allow foreigners to own land, yet in Formosa 
Spanish missionaries own land, a fact fully reci^nised by both 
the home and the island authorities. Moreover, those laws 
which in Japan have binding force for all Japanese subjects 
become valid in Formosa only after the issue of an Imperial 
ordinance announcing that they are to be enforced in the island. 

At present, the laws of the home country enforced in the 
island are the Civil, Commercial and Criminal Codes, and the 
Codes of Civil and Criminal Procedure tt^ether with the sup- 



f 



36 JAPANESE RULE [N FORMOSA 

plementary laws, But it has been decided that all civil, com- 
mercial and criminal cases which only concern Formosans and 
Chinese shall be tried, not according to the laws of Japan, but 
in accordance with the manners, customs and time-honoured 
traditions prevailing in the island. (Law No. 8, 1898.) Then 
again. Order No. 54 which was issued by the Govern or- General's 
Office in July, 1898, defines the supplementary laws referred to 
above as the following, u/r. ; — 

The Laws for the Enforcement of the Civil and Commercial 
Codes, the Law Regulating Procedure in Civil Litigation, the 
Law Regulating Procedure in Non-Litigant Matters, the Law 
with regard to Auctions, the Rules appended to the Civil and 
Criminal Codes, Law No. 101 of 1890, the Supplementary Law 
for the Enforcement of the Commercial Code, Law No. 13 of 
1900 concerning the Reci^nition of Wills in accordance with 
the provisions of Articles 1079 and 1081 of the Civil Code, Law 
No. 17 of 1900 concerning the cases in which under the Com- 
merdal Code signatures are required, and Law No. 69 of 1900 
respecting Insurance. 

Again, in 1899, Ordinance No. 8 provides that the laws 
regarding Criminal and Civil Procedure and the subsidiary laws 
shall be applicable to criminal and commercial cases which con- 
cern only Formosans and Chinese. Ordinance No. 34 of 1899 
provides that Articles 240 and 241 shall be binding on For- 
mosans, Chinese and Japanese alike. The whole of the laws 
concerning accounts and inventories are valid in Formosa, as 
also are the following laws of 1899, vt::. : Laws No, 40, 53, 66, 
68 and 94, concerning nationalisation, with the exception of 
Article II. 

Thus the provisions of the home country are enforced in 
the island as temporary measures. Of course, it goes without 
saying that, sooner or later as the manners and customs of the 
islanders, their ideas of law and order, and their conceptions of 
right and wrong are so unlike ours, special Civil and Criminal 
Codes must be compiled for them. With this object in view, 
the authorities have appointed a Committee to investigate the 
old customs and traditions, preparatory to the codification of 
the civil laws. From this fact we can very easily infer, that 
Formosa is not to be placed under the same laws and rules as 
the home country, Further, an export duty is imposed on 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF FORMOSA 



37 



various articles, such as cleft canes, hemp thread, dried fish, 
refined Borneo camphor and meat ; while Japan levies an import 
duty on Formosan alcohol on its arrival at Moji, 

From these facts, it may easily be observed that the relations 
between Japan and Formosa are like those existing between 
Great Britain and Australasia, which maintain the policy of 
reciprocal taxation. Every year, however, the relations be- 
tween Japan and Formosa must become more and more com- 
plicated according as the island industries prosper and trade 
increases. The writer therefore hopes that Japan will soon 
come to look upon Formosa as a pure colony, and that the day 
may speedily dawn when the results obtained by such observa- 
tions may be embodied in a policy regulating its relations with 
the mother-country. 

It is entirely due to the personal abilities of the authorities 
now in office, that in spite of the ambiguous relations existing 
between Formosa and Japan, no special difficulty has yet arisen. 
This happy state of affairs cannot however go on for ever. 
Many difficulties will unquestionably arise when the present able 
officials bid farewell to the island, unless before that time the 
constitutional status of the country has been definitely determined. 

The power vested in the Govemor-Gencra! is similar to that 
held by the Governors of tlie British Crown Colonies, while, 
with rt^rd to military matters, it more closely resembles that 
of the French Colonial Governors. Great Britain holds that 
the characteristic of a Crown Colony is that it Is governed by 
a council elected and appointed by royal order.' In this respect 
Formosa resembles a British Crown Colony, The Council of 
Tormosa, before which the Governor-General lays his ordin- 
ances for approval, is by virtue of the official organisation of 
the island, composed entirely of members appointed by himself. 
This Council consists of: — 

The Chief of the Civil Administration, the Chiefs of the 
Military and Naval Staffs, the Chief Councillor, the Chief of 
the Court of Appeal, the Chief Inspector of the Court of 
Appeal, the Chief of Police, the Director of each Bureau, one 
Councillor, two ofllicials who have in addition the duties of 
Councillors, and three (or less) Commissioners. 



'Annual Report of llie Colonial Deparin 



40 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



foreign language.' Hitherto it has been considered sufficient 
if the officiak have been as well educated as those holding 
similar positions in Japan ; but now it is felt to be most im- 
portant that they should also have a working knowledge 
of Formosan. I think, however, we might safely go a step 
further and make Formosan a compulsory subject of examin- 
ation. Further, I should like to see all the higher officials, 
from the Directors of Cho down, required to pass a special ex- 
amination in such branches of knowledge as are requisite in 
administering a colony like Formosa. The colonial success of 
the Dutch is undoubtedly due to the fact that ail candidates 
for civil colonial posts are required to pass a rigorous examina- 
tion in the language, geography, history and anthropolc^y of 
tlie colony to which they intend to go, while all candidates for 
the judicial staff are also required to be well versed in Mussul- 
man as well as in Dutch national law. Some day similar re- 
gulations will, I believe, be made in regard to Formosa. 

While I was in the island, a young man, a University 
graduate, applied to the Chief of the Civil Administration 
Bureau for a position. The Chief replied, "If you really wish me 
to employ you, you must commence at the bottom rung of the 
ladder, and begin by being office boy. If you show yourself 
worthy of confidence, you shall, after a suitable time of pro- 
bation, be given a higher position." In this way, the law 
graduate was obliged to take the lowest position. This is only 
one example of the close attention paid at present by the 
higher authorities in Formosa to the selection and training of 
the civil officials in the island. Wherever I went to market or 
fair, and whatever officials I met, I was deeply impressed by 
the fact that the colonial officials were not actuated by mere 
mechanical formalism, but by the living personality of the 
Governor-General himself. In Japan, the sub-officials seem 
too often to be the masters of the various departments, while 
the Ministers of State and other high officials act as though 
they were mere visitors, obliged to ask their underlings 
for information on almost every point. But in Formosa the 
position is reversed, the Governor-General is the real principal, 
the genuine head of the whole colonial government 



t, October, i8g8. 



A 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF FORMOSA 



39 



From what has been said thus far, the reader must not 
infer that in Formosa the wishts of the natives are wholly 
ignored. On the contrary, there are a few native members of 
the councils, who are consulted as to the advisability of the 
laws and rules passed by the Council, and whose opinions are 
adopted if deemed worthy. The writer cannot but earnestly 
wish that the present condition of the is!and may be speedily 
improved, and that there may be found able Japanese, who, 
being thoroughly conversant with the feelings and sentiments 
of the native population, shall command their respect and be 
appointed by the Governor-General to seats on the Colonial 
Council. 

Among the officials belonging to the Governor-General's 
Office, the Chief of the Civil Administration Bureau and the 
Chief Councillor are of Chokunin rank; while the General 
Police Inspector and the Chiefs of the four bureaus are of 
Chokunin or Sonin rank. There are also four advisers, fifteen 
commissioners, three police inspectors, sixteen engineers, four 
marine officials, and five interpreters, all of whom are of Sonin 
rank. Of the engineering staff, two may be of Chokunin 
rank. In addition to all these, there are 320 sub-officials of 
Hannin rank, including clerks, police-sergeante, engineers, and 
interpreters. At the head of each Cho Administration Office 
there is a director of Sonin rank. The total number of sub- 
officials of Hannin rank to be employed in the island is fixed 
at 1,230. 

There are also the Monopoly Bureau, the Temporary 
Bureaus for Topc^raphical Investigation, for sugar manufactur- 
ing, and for investigating the old customs and manners, the 
Custom Houses, Educational Institutions, Medical Schools, 
Medical Offices and Bureaus, Post and Tel^raph Offices, the 
School for Training Policemen and Jailors, the Courts of Justice, 
Prisons, etc. 

The officials connected with these institutions are, with a 
few exceptions, selected by examination. In addition to the 
ordinary examination in which special importance is attached 
to the administrative laws relating to the island, the candidates 
are examined in one of the following optional subjects : — 

The outlines of political economy, gec^raphy, history, 
book-keeping, Formosan conversation and composition, one 



42 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

none but those of very medium ability will be willing to take 
up colonial positions. 

Then, again, as to their actual salaries. In Japan, the 
Prime Minister receives Yen 8,000 a year, while the Ministers 
of State receive Yen 6,000 each. In addition to these sums, 
each Minister of State receives a special present from the 
Emperor twice a year, so that including these, they each re- 
ceive as a rule about double the amount of their stated salaries. 
Now according to the official organisation of Formosa, the 
emoluments of the higher officials there are as under, vis. ; — 



Governor-General 

Chief of the Civil Administration 

Chief Councillor ..... 

Chief Railway Engineer I 3,000 or 3,500 

Engineers of Chokunin Rank . 

Inspector-General of Police 

Diieciois of Bureaus ot Chokunin Rank . 



V 



By Imperial Ordinance No. loo of March, 1896, it was pro- 
vided that each colonial official should receive 30 per cent 
additional salary ; it is further provided that all officials, who 
may have served more than three years consecutively, are en- 
titled to an annual additional increase amounting to 5 per cent 
of their regular salaries, but this increase must not exceed 50 
per cent of the regular salary. Thus the Governor-General's 
remuneration might amount to Yen 9,000, while the Director 
of a Bureau might receive Yen 4,500. 

In Great Britain, however, the Prime Minister, who is often 
also the Minister for Foreign Affairs, or the First Lord of the 
Treasury, receives ;^5,ooo (Yen 50,000) ; each Secretary of 
State also receives on an average ;£5,ooo (Yen 50,000). The 
Lord Chief Justice receives ;^io,ooo, while the Chancellor of 
the Duchy of Lancaster has £4,000. The salaries of the 
Colonial Governors vary according to the population of 
the colonies. For example, the Viceroy of India receives 
R. 250,800; the Governor of Madras, R. I22,ooo; of Bombay, 
R. 120,000; of Burmah, R. 100,000. The Governor of Natal 
receives £5,000 ; the Governor of Canada, £10,000 ; the Chief of 
the Cabinet, who is equivalent to the Chief of the Civil Ad- 
ministration Bureau in Formosa, has £i,6oo, while each 
Cabinet Minister receives £1,400. In the Commonwealth of 



THE ADMINISTRATION OF FORMOSA 43 

Australia, each Minister ofState receives £'13,000; in New South 
Wales the salary of the Governor is j^7,ooo, while the Ministers 
of State average ;f 1,370. Even in such a small place as Fiji the 
Governor receives £3,000. In the Dutch colony of Java the 
Govern or-Generai has 810O1OOO in gold, and an additional al- 
lowance of $60,000 for entertainment expenses; each State 
Minister is paid 315,000, and each Local Governor $6,000 with 
certain additional allowances. As Java has an area of 49,000 
square miles and a population of 24,000,000 and is thus much 
larger than Formosa, it is but natural that the officials should 
receive more, still the rates of remuneration seem high in com- 
parison. Of course the sole aim of the officials ought not to 
be to make as much money as possible, they should always act 
from a sense of honour and patriotism : but man is so consti- 
tuted that his conduct is greatly affected by the largeness or 
smallness of his remuneration. In order to check the constant 
tendency of the officials to leave the island for better positions, 
their remuneration should be increased so as to induce them 
to devote their whole lives to open up this hot sun-scorched 
island so many hundreds of miles away from their native 
shores. For it is certain that our work as colonists will not 
stop with Formosa. 

The above chapter was written in 1904. The following 
y«ar, when the period for which Law No. 63 had been issued 
was about to expire, a Bill was passed by the Diet extending 
its efficacy until after the war with Russia. At the same time 
the Governor-General proposed an independent system of ad- 
ministration, but, as the Government could not then come to 
a decision, it was decided that the present system should con- 
tinue in force until the conclusion of peace. It should also be 
noted that the Land Investigation Bureau was abolished in the 
spring of the same year. (Written 25th March, 1905.) 



CHAPTER III. 

FORMOSA IN THE PAST. 

Section I.— Formosa under the Pirates. 

Origin of the FormoBins — First mention of the Island ai Loochoo in Chinese 
history, *.D. 605 — Appearance of Poimosans on Chinese coasts, twelfth 

century — Fruitless Chinese attempts at conquest — Psalmanazar's account 
— The Emperor Chung Ho visits Formosa — Ming historian's description of 
the natives — First notice of Japanese pirates, Chinese mission to Japan to 
demand suppression of piracy — The Japanese establish a base in Formosa 
and extend their depiedalions— Chinese emigration to the island— Aborigine* 
gradually driven into the mountains — Pirates, pioneers of commerce — Estab- 
lishment of a Japanese colony. 

In spite of the many theories that have been advanced, the 
or^in of the aborigines found in Formosa is still undecided. 
Some consider them to be a mixed race descended from a 
union of Malayan with either Negrito or Loochooan stock. 
Others believe that the Formosans in the East, and the people 
of Madagascar in the West, are both alike remnants of the same 
pure Malayan stock that spread itself out in opposite directions, 
just like an opened fan. According to a third theory, they are 
descended from the same root as the Miao hill tribes, the abori- 
gines of Kweichau in China. Judging from the houses and 
from their physical characteristics, it seems likely that the island 
was really peopled by stra^lers from the wave of miration 
which, following the warm ocean current, eventually settled in 
Japan. If so, the Formosans are really related to us Japanese. 
Far be it from mc, however, to encroach on the sphere of the 
anthropologist. I shall limit myself to the account of the 
island's past as it is found in the historical records. 

The natives themselves called Formosa' Pak-an or Pak- 
ande; but the Chinese called it Loochoo. The latter name 

' Formosa under tht Dvlrli. p. 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 



45 



appears first in the history of the Sui dynasty, which was over- 
thrown in A.D. 620. The historian says : — 

"In the first year of Tayei {a,D. 605), the navigator Ho 
Man and others reported that in spring and autumn when the 
weather was fine and there was no wind, a smoky haze might 
be seen across the sea extending for many hundreds of miles 
along the eastern horizon. Two years later, the Emperor Yang 
sent an exploring party, under the leadership of a cavalry officer 
belonging to the Imperial Guard, named Shu Kwan. Ho Man 
told them what he and others had seen, and went with them to 
Loochoo. They reached the island, but could hold no com- 
munication with the inhabitants, as the language was different 
They therefore captured one of the natives and returned home. 
. . . About theyear A.D. 61 1, an armed expeditionset sail from 
Gian, under the command of Chen Ling. After sailing east for 
two days, they reached the Turtle Islands [Pescadores), and the 
next day arrived at Loochoo. But the natives refused to ac- 
knowledge the Emperor and would by no means agree to pay 
tribute as his willing subjects. The soldiers attacked them, 
and, in spite of their obstinate resistance, defeated them two or 
three times and entered their capital which they burnt. Thou- 
sands of men and women were captured and taken to China, 
besides much valuable booty." 

Now the town which is here called Gian, is the present city 
of Ch'ao-chou in Kwai^tung, and the island Loochoo means 
Formosa. 

At this time the people of Formosa were very fierce and 
held no communication at all with other countries, differing 
much in this respect from the Loochooans who greatly admired 
and loved their powerful neighbours Japan and China, and fre- 
quently sent embassies to both courts. Thus the court of 
China, hearing that there was an island in the stormy southern 
ocean, concluded at once that it must be Loochoo, and so care- 
lessly gave that name to Formosa, But the name does not 
appear again in Chinese historical records for several hundred 
years. 

Towards the close of the twelfth century, several hundred 
Bishana men, led by giant chiefs, suddenly appeared in some of 
the small sea-coast villages on the Fokien coast, robbing and 
pillaging the houses. They seemed specially intent upon secur- 



46 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

ing iron, and carried off even the iron door rings of the houses. 
They also tried to gain possession of all the armour they saw. 
So much did they value the iron points of their spears that, 
after throwing the weapon at the enemy, they pulled it back 
by the aid of a line a hundred feet long which was attached 
to it These Bishana men were evidently Formosans. 

Speaking of the island, the Chinese geographers say : — 

" It lies beyond the Pescadores, and stretches from Chusan 
to Fokien. Its northern, western and southern shores are 
washed by the ocean ; but at the Pescadores the water suddenly 
falls ; and, on nearing Loochoo, there is what is called a whirl- 
poo!. If fishing boats from the west are caught in a typhoon 
below the Pescadores and are carried towards this whirlpool, 
not one in a hundred is ever seen again." 

About the year 1280, the Emperor of Ch'eng Tsung fitted 
out an expedition, under the command of Admiral Yang Tsiang, 
for the conquest of Loochoo. This expedition steered for For- 
mosa, but when the admiral saw that it was not the island which 
he had been commanded to attack, he withdrew at once. 

Sixteen years later, General Chang How sent a new army 
to Loochoo, which brought back 130 captives. 

In 1367, a governor was sent to the Pescadores and the is- 
lands were made a part of Tung-an Prefecture. During the 
succeeding two or three hundred years, no further mention is 
made of Loochoo in Chinese history. 

During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries peace prevailed 
throughout China, the Emperor's authority was greatly ex- 
tended and communications were opened with the remotest 
provinces. Loochoo was distinguished from Formosa and was 
called Yakushima, and even the name of the King Shoka is 
found in the records of this period. 

G. Psalmanazar, a reputed native of the island, who was 
educated in England, writes in his Historical and Geographical 
Description of Formosa, published in 1704, that it was once 
ruled over by a native king. He says : — 

" The Isle Formosa had been governed for some ages by 
one king, whom the natives called Bagalo in their language, 
and the one immediately below the King in authority was called 
by the natives Tano. But almost two hundred years ago the 
Emperor of Tartary invaded this Isle and subdued it ; which 



J 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 



47 



continued under the dominion of the Tartars until the third 
Generation. But the third Emperor, being an austere Tyran- 
nical Prince, who was very cruel to the Natives, did so provoke 
their natural rage, that at last they did all with one consent 
take up arms, and drove his Deputy and Forces all out of the 
Country. They restored their Natural Prince to the rightful 
throne of his Ancestors. At this time Meryaandanoo reigned 
in Japan, In order to make a conquest of the island, he sent 
a letter to the King of the island, saying, ' being afflicted with 
a very grievous Disease and having endeavoured by my Obla- 
tions to pacify the Gods of my Country that I might recover 
my Health, I have found all my endeavours hitherto ineffectual. 
And therefore having a great Veneration for your God, of whose 
great Power and Goodness 1 am fully persuaded, I want to send 
Beasts to be offered in Sacrifice to your God for the Recovery 
of my Health,' Then the King commanded his Priests to con- 
sult their God whether he should grant it. Receiving an affir- 
mative answer, tlie Emperor of Japan presently commanded a 
great Army to be made ready and ordered the Soldiers to be 
put in great Litters . . . and to prevent any suspicion of the 
Formosans they placed Oxen or Rams to be seen at the Win- 
dows of the Litters. Thus he covertly conveyed a numerous 
army into the Isle of Formosa . . , the numerous Chariots 
were divided into three parts, the greatest of which was sent 
into the Capital City Xlemetsa and the two other parts into 
two other Cities called Bigno and Khadzey. The King and 
the people were all panic stricken and surrendered them- 
selves to the Japanese. . , . And from that time the Em- 
peror of Japan sends a King into the Isle Formosa as the 
superintendent King. But he who was King before in that 
Isle is only as a Bagatandro or Viceroy or one that is next to 
the King in Dignity without any Power." 

But Dr. D. Reiss in his Geschichte der fnsel Formosa says : 
" The writer of the above is not a Formosan at all, but a smart 
citizen of southern France whose work is altt^ther undepend- 
able ■'. 

Even at the close of the Ming dynasty (1660), Formosa 
was known by the name of Kiloung. The inhabitants were 
not united, but consisted of several distinct tribes. The Ming 
historian says : — 



48 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

" As the island lies to the norlh-east of the Pescadores, it is 
sometimes called Pekiang (North Harbour) and also the ' Land 
of the Eastern Savages ', It is not very far from the city of 
Changchow, and is a country full of high mountains and danger- 
ous marshes. It is not governed by one ruler but is inhabited by 
fifteen tribes, the largest consisting of a thousand men, and the 
smallest of five or six hundred. The people pay no taxes nor 
do they do any public labour. Those who have the largest 
number of children are considered the strongest and are obeyed 
by the others. Though they live in an island, they are afraid 
of the sea and are not skilful in managing boats. They have 
no intercourse with neighbouring countries." 

In the period of Yung Lo (1403-1424), the Emperor Chung 
H6 went round to see all the countries in the Empire. Every- 
where he went, the people tried who could be the first to 
come and present him with beautiful jewels ; only the eastern 
savages kept at a distance. The powerful Emperor Chung 
Ho hated them for this and sent a small copper bell to the 
head of each household in the island, compelling them to wear 
this suspended from their necks as if they were dt^s. The 
simple natives, however, came later to consider this custom 
as honourable, saying it had been handed down from their 
ancestors, and the rich among them began to wear several 
bells. 

The natives are described as very brave and hardy. They 
spend their leisure practising running. Many can run a hundred 
miles a day just like horses. The skin of their feet is wonder- 
fully thick, so that they can tread on thorns and brambles with- 
out hurt The men are quite naked. The women make a sort 
of skirt out of grasses and cover themselves with it When the 
women meet elderly persons, or those of higher rank than 
themselves on the road, they step to one side and turn their 
backs until the others have gone past When they see the 
young grass spring up. they think spring has come and sow 
their grain. When the seed sprouts, they think Heaven is 
blessing them, and so stop fighting and endeavour to do good. 
thinking to repay Heaven. As to their clothing, they hunt 
after deer and shoot birds and dress up with the feathers. 
They are in truth a most primitive people. In the latter part 
of the fourteenth century, they were obl^ed to forsake their 



lil. 



m^ FORMOSA IN THE PAST 49 

land of blessing and flee to the mountains far away from the 
abodes of other men. 

When Tai Tsu. the first Emperor of the Ming dynasty, 
was enthroned in 1368, those Chinese who did not care to ac- 
commodate themselves to tlie new order of things, joined with 
the Japanese sea-faring folks in pillaging the coasts of Swatow. 
These Japanese pirates, as the Chinese called them, consisted 
mainly of people from Kiushiu and the neighbouring provinces. 
The following year an envoy was sent to Japan to negotiate in 
regard to their suppression. He did not succeed in reaching 
either Yoshino or Kyoto, but only saw Prince Kanenaga, who 
was at that time the greatest chieftain in Kiushiu and called 
himself " King of Japan ". This prince utterly refusing to open 
negotiations, the envoy left and the Japanese pirates continued 
their depredations on the coasts of Fokien. 

The following year another envoy arrived on the same 
errand. To him the prince as the Emperor's representative 
said, " Many years ago a certain man named Cho came here 
as an envoy from Mongolia, and made many flattering speeches ; 
but no sooner had he left than an enormous army came over 
from Mongolia to attack us. Your name is also Cho, and I am 
afraid you intend to do just as your namesake did." Cho 
replied giving an account of the revolutions which had occurred 
in China, and assured the Prince that it was not his intention to 
act so shamefully. Thereupon the Prince pardoned him and 
allowed him to take back to China seventy Chinese whom the 
Japanese had captured. 

In 1373 the Japanese pirates again attacked the Chinese 
coasts, going as far as Fokien. At this the Chinese Emperor 
was very indignant. Remembering, however, how the Mongolian 
invaders of Japan had all perished, he did not venture to take 
up arms ; but published instructions, which he professed to have 
received from his ancestors, saying there were fifteen countries 
with which China must never go to war, and Japan was one of 
them. 

From this time the Japanese pirates made regular annual 
raids on the Chinese coasts, pill^ing the line from Fokien to 
Chehkiang and Kwangtung. The Shogun, Ashikaga Yoshimitsu, 
who much admired the Chinese civilisation, and wished to enter 
into friendly relations with the Chinese Emperor, captured some 



so JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

of the Japanese pirates and sent them over to the Emperor. 
But even Ashikaga with all his mighty power was unable to put 
down the pirates, and so, for over two hundred years, all 
the belt of coast from Shantung to Fokien suffered constant 
attacks. 

The bandits in China also made common cause with the 
Japanese pirates and introduced them into their own country. 
Such people as Sung Iban and Hwang Chowtai, the head 
bandits of Kwangtung, for instance, associated themselves with 
the Japanese, and the Chinese pirates under the leadership 
of Van Suchi, Gwa Hwai-i, and Ho Bien called themselves 
" Japanese Tortoise-shell," the word tortoise-shell signifying 
pirate chiefs. About the year 1560, most of the Japanese pirates 
left Shantung and gathered in Changchow and Fokien. All 
the people from Hunan to Canton began complaining of the 
Japanese outrages. Throughout the whole of this district the 
people forsook the cities, towns and villages, and ran away 
paralysed with terror, whenever they caught sight of the Japanese 
pirates in their red coats and yellow helmets approaching, hold- 
ing up their flags of " Hachiman Daibosatsu ".' 

On one occasion, seventy or eighty of these pirates wasted 
the country from Kiang-ning to Nankin, killing or wounding 
over 4,000 people. The whole neighbourhood was terrorised 
so that, for years after, the Chinese mothers slopped their 
children crying by telling them that, if they cried, the Japanese 
pirates would hear them and carry them off. Such was the 
awe in which these Japanese pirates were held. 

At first the pirates went from Kiushiu to Shantung; but, 
afterwards, when they extended their raids to Chehkiang and 
Fokien, and discovered a base of operations in Formosa, their 
power and influence were greatly increased. In describing 
Kiloung (Formosa) the Ming historian says : — 

"Towards the end of Kia-tsing (1523-1566) the Japanese 
pirates attacked Fokien ; but, being defeated by the Chinese 
general Tsih Kikwang, they fled away to this island, pillaged 
Kiloung and grievously wasted the country. Thither Lin 
Taokien followed them. Fearing, however, that they might in- 

'The Japanese Emperor Ojin, who li 
deftlh, dciRed under Ihe title " Hachiman 
regacded as the patron deity of all warriors. 



L 






FORMOSA IN THE PAST 51 

dues all his men to join them or else that the Chinese army would 
pursue him, he sailed straight across to Puhni, and having over- 
come all obstacles, built the port of Taokien, At first the Chinese 
lived on the coast, but being attacked by the Japanese pirates, 
they gradually found their way into the mountains. About the 
end of Wan-lih(iS73-i6i9), the Red-haired savages (the Dutch) 
came in boats and began ploi^hing and sowing, and built a city 
which was called Taiwan," 

The Taokien, spoken of here, is the same place as the present 
Anping. According to this record, the Japanese made their 
first appearance in Formosa in the period of Kia-tsing ; but the 
strong probability is that they made Formosa their base, when 
they first commenced raiding the coasts of Fokien. 

While the Japanese were thus attacking the northern part 
of the island, the Chinese were pressing on the southern part. 
Though China has experienced many changes of dynasty, these 
changes have only occurred about once every two or three 
hundred years, and thus this extremely prolific race has had 
abundant opportunity for increasing. This increase was especi- 
ally noticeable during the earlier part of the fifteenth century, 
Moreover, at that time China seems to have had considerable 
colonizing power, and her coast population at any rate became 
very prosperous through the riches they secured from the 
Southern Seas (Formosa). 

Though in the Chinese sodal system, each family appears 
at first sight to be autonomous, such is not the case. In reality, 
the leading families absolutely control all the others. Those 
who submit to this despotism enjoy a large measure of peace 
and happiness ; but those who refuse to submit are forced to 
become either wandering brigands or pirates. This has been 
the way under every dynasty, and comes about because the 
Government is not strong enough to protect the poorer classes 
from the tyranny of the wealthy. As Formosa was without a 
ruler, it not only became the favourite resort of those who 
wished to escape their pursuers, but also proved a hiding-place 
for criminals and other fugitives from justice, besides providing 
a most convenient resting-place for the pirates, who indeed made 
it their headquarters. It was also said that the hills, fields 
and plains were to be had simply for the taking. These reports 
90 moved the hearts of the Chinese coast population, that 



52 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

thousands of them left everything and swarmed over to the 
island. It is especially remarkable that not only the southern 
districts but also the plains in the north were thus peopled by 
the sturdy men from Shansi. The old history of Kwangtung 
and Shantung says : — 

" Formosa, standing alone in the Eastern Sea, extends for 
more than i,ooo li. The land is easily ploughed and very 
fertile, so there are many wealthy families. The people are very 
easily excited and hard to pacify. They wander about from 
place to place, and if a few of them get tc^ether, a crowd 
quickly gathers and there is great excitement. Those who 
have no permanent residence, and those who pick up food by 
the waj^de, having no wives or children to love and no farms 
or houses to be comfortable in, flock over to the island like 
herons," 

Most of those who thus swarmed across the strait from the 
Chinese coasts landed first at Takow, Hozan or in the neighbour- 
hood of Tainan, Afterwards making their way further north, 
they drove away the savages into the mountains. At first, when 
the settlers wished to clear any land or cultivate any fields, they 
recognised that the land really belonged to the savages and 
agreed to pay them a yearly rent But, after a time, they slopped 
paying an>-thing and even secured more land, telling the savages 
they would pay later. Afterwards, however, when the land was. 
cleared and they were strong enough, they attacked the sav^es 
and forced them to flee for their lives. Thus the Chinese 
settlers and the natives came to hate each other, and the Chinese 
even went so far as to eat the flesh of the savages. In some 
such manner the Japanese pirates and the Chinese freebooters 
drove the savages gradually further and further away from the 
coast, and forced them to take refuge in the mountains. 

These pirates were really the pioneers of foreign trade. 
Their ships visited Borneo, Malacca, Annam, Siam, Tonkin, 
Saigon, Cambodia and the Philippines, venturing at times even 
as far as Mexico, and carrying the treasures of the southern and 
eastern oceans backwards and forwards. As long as they were 
in a foreign port, the sailors behaved like respectable merchants, 
and when they returned to Japan and China they brought back 
so much valuable timber and so many curious jewels that the 
hearts of all the adventurers in Japan and China were fascin- 



J 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 



S3 



ated, and the people were convinced that the islands of the sea 
were an inexhaustible store of gold and jewels. 

The trade thus commenced by the pirates was regarded by 
the nation with hope and finally authorised by the Government 
In 1592, merchants of Nagasaki, Kyoto and Sakai, having 
obtained special Government licences, opened head offices in 
Formosa, which island was then recc^ised as the haunt of the 
pirates. These merchants gave the island, or rather the belt 
of land from Takow to Anping, the name of Takasago, because 
the scenery was so much like that to be found at Takasago in 
Harima. The vast profits of their trade were made use of by 
the politicians in Hideyoshi's Cabinet 

In 1609, after lyehisa Shimazu had subjugated Loochoo, 
the Shc^un, lyeyasu, sent an envoy to Formosa and invited 
the inhabitants to become his subjects, but as they had no ruler 
the mission proved fruitless. Six years later, Toan Murayama, 
the governor of Nagasaki, attempted the conquest of the island 
with his own soldiers, but was defeated. On his return to Japan, 
he was executed by order of the Government 

In spite of these failures, the Japanese adventurers were not 
discouraged, but persisted in their efforts to stretch out south- 
wards. At last a Japanese colony was eslablished. From this 
naval base, they ruled over the Pacific, sometimes in co-operation 
and sometimes in competition with the Chinese, who, coming 
as they did from various provinces in China, formed different 
tribes each with its own independent elder. The greatest leader 
of these Chinese pirates was Van Suchi, who dubbed himself 
the Japanese Chief, and exercised authority over a wide circle 
in co-operation with his Japanese helpers. Ching Chi-lung who 
succeeded him often visited Ne^saki. Such was the stale of 
aflfairs in Formosa before its occupation by the Dutch and 
Spaniards. 




CHAPTER III. {ContinueiT). 

formosa in the past. 

Section 11. — Formosa under the Dutch and 
Spaniards. 

FirM European settlements in the Easl^The PortugueBe nime Formofla — The 
Dutch icach Foimosa — Their relations with previous occupants — Theii 
successful methods— The Japanese settlers become tcsiive— Hamada Yahei 
fits out an expedition against the Dutch — Hamada's second expedition — 
He captures the Dutch Governor, but is compelled to withdraw — Japanese 
selllementa given up — The Spaniards lake Kelung in 1626 ; they are expelled 
in t&4 2— Prosperity of Formosa unllcr Dutch rule. 

While China was harassed by the Japanese pirates on the east 
and by the Tartar hordes on the north, Japan herself was dis- 
tracted with civil war. But at that time the European powers 
were all struggling tc^ether for the mastery of the sea, their 
cupidity and spirit of adventure having been aroused by the 
stories of the vast prcrfits that could be acquired out of trade 
with the East. 

The existence of a vast ocean north of India was first db- 
covered by Europeans in 1510, the same year that Ashikaga 
Yoshitane fled from Kyoto to Omi on account of the disagree- 
ment that had arisen between Rokkaku and Hosokawa, two of 
his attendants. This ocean was called "The Pacific". The 
next year the Porti^ese king, Emanuel the first, sent Andrade 
as ambassador to China. This expedition was well received. 
The strangers were given permission to trade and were allowed 
to anchor off the coast. Finally, in 1 5 57, they were permitted 
to land and put up houses upon an island near the mouth of 
the Canton River, which they called Macau. As they sailed 
through the China Sea, they saw a large island in the distance, 
which on account of its beautiful appearance they called " For- 
mosa ". Thus the island which was first known as " Loochoo," 




FORMOSA IN THE PAST 



55 



then as " North Port," then as " The Land of the Eastern 
Savages," was now newly introduced to the whole world under 
the name of " Formosa ". 

The other European nations, Portugal's rivals, turned their 
attention to the East one after another. Spain secured Manila 
as her trading station in 1 57 1 , and the Dutch easily took posses- 
sion of Java through their envoy Cornelius Houtman who visited 
the East with a fleet in 1 595, A few years iater the Dutch East 
India Company was oi^nised. From their base in Java they 
made repeated assaults on Macau, but found themselves quite 
unable to oust the Portuguese. Six warships and 2,000 soldiers 
sent by them in 1622 met with no better success ; they were 
forced to retreat to the Pescadores, where they fortified them- 
selves. From this base they harried the sea-coast towns in the 
neighbourhood of Amoy, and thus greatly embarrassed the 
Chinese officials, afterwards sending commissioners to ask for 
a port and other privileges similar to those which the Portuguese 
had secured. After long negotiations, the Fokein authorities 
at last granted them permission to settle for commercial pur- 
poses on the large island, which at that time was still outside 
the strict Chinese dominions. This was in 1623. The Dutch 
lost no time. They at once occupied the present Anping, which 
was then a small island separate from the main island of For- 
mosa. Here they built "Fort Zeelandia" and also a town 
which they called "Taiwan," while the whole of the main 
island was called Formosa. According to the Ming historian, 
the Dutch were the first to christen any part of the island, 
"Taiwan." as recorded above. I wonder whether this is not 
a corruption of " Tung-hwan," the Chinese equivalent for 
■' Eastern Savages ". 

At first the Dutch behaved very well towards the Japanese 
and Chinese traders in Formosa, and promised to place no 
hindrances in their way. But when Castle Zeelandia was 
finished and they had also built Providentia Castle (Redhair 
Castle) at Tainan, they changed their attitude and began to 
impose an export duty on sugar and rice. The Chinese sub- 
mitted to these imposts, though they murmured about them in 
private; but the Japanese residents refused to pay anything, 
claiming that as they were in the island before the Dutch 
arrived they were exempt. The Dutch relying upon the 



56 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

strength of their castles and guns, endeavoured to enforce pay- 
ment, but refrained from using strong measures because the 
Japanese threatened to take vengeance for any unfair dealing 
by interfering with the Dutch commerce at Nagasaki. For a 
long time both parties persisted in their claims and refused to 
make any concessions. At this time Chinese residents in the 
whole of Formosa are said to have numbered 25,000. The 
Japanese were not quite so numerous, yet they were more 
powerful, because they had more capital invested in the com- 
merce of the island ; but, though they had reached the island 
first, the Dutch, owing to their superiority in ships and arms, 
had become the masters and reaped huge profits. 

In 1627, the expenses of the colony were 214,000 guilders 
{;^i7,2SO). After paying these, there remained for theBatavian 
Government a clear profit of 85,000 guilders. The Dutch had 
gone thus far in order to secure an open port in China, but 
their good fortune in acquiring such a valuable colony and 
their commercial success encouraged them to lay the foundation 
of perpetual government. They endeavoured to become 
popular by showing kindness to the savages. The Dutch 
language was taught; Dutch-Formosan dictionaries were com- 
piled for the use of the natives ; Christianity was preached ; 
schools were opened, and education with all its blessings ex- 
tended even to the native women ; watercourses were improved 
and the cultivation of the soil was encouraged. We still find 
Redhair Spring near Kagi, and Redhair Town near Shinchiku. 
All the bricks for building Fort Zeelandia are said to have 
been brought from Batavia. These facts show that the Dutch 
were hoping to occupy the island permanently. The region 
in the immediate vicinity of their seat of government was 
divided into seven districts, each of which was governed under 
the Dutch by an elder chosen by the natives. The Dutch 
Government gave badges of honour to these elders, and thus 
extended their influence to the eastern shores of the island. 

Though successful so far in their attempts to colonize, yet 
as they were a private company and not a Government enter- 
prise, the policy they adopted was short-sighted and exclusively 
selfish. Moreover, the Japanese were specially headstrong 
and unmanageable, and were heartily detested by their 
Dutch rulers. Thus the two parties could never agree. These 



J 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 



57 



difficulties came to a head in 1627 and resulted in serious 
trouble. 

There lived at Nagasaki a leading pirate named Hamada 
Yahei. Having coUectwi fifteen pieces of artillery and a large 
number of Chinese, he set sail in a large vessel for Formosa 
with more than 470 other sturdy adventurers. The ship ob- 
tained permission to navigate by posing as a common mer- 
chantman, but the real object of the expedition could not be 
concealed from the Dutch authorities at Taiwan. 

When the ship entered the harbour, the Dutch authorities 
informed the captain that all arms must be landed and remain 
in charge of the Dutch police until she left port To this the 
Japanese captain refused to agree. The Dutch Governor, 
Nuyts, not caring to use force, prepared a grand feast in his 
house to which he invited Yahei. Having made him drunk, 
he disarmed him and then sent soldiers to the ship, who pre- 
tended they had come from Yahei, and thus obtained delivery 
of all the arms on board. These they brought on shore. 
When Yahei became sober and found that his arms were 
missing, he boiled with anger, and seizing sixteen Shinkom 
natives, set sail immediately. 

Fearing that the Japanese would wreak their revenge on the 
Dutch merchants at Nagasaki, Governor Nuyts sent them warn- 
ing at once. He, at the same time, assured them that he would 
afford full protection to any honest and peaceable Japanese 
merchants who came to Formosa. He also went himself to 
Japan to try and allay any suspicions, which the Japanese Go- 
vernment might entertain with regard to the Dutch occupation. 
To his great astonishment, however, he found on reaching Japan 
that the sixteen natives whom Yahei had carried off, had all 
been received by the Shogun, the pretext being that they were 
plenipotentiaries bringing tribute from the Formosan native 
tribes. Governor Nuyts tried hard to show the utter absurdity 
of this, but his efforts were unavailing. 

In April, 1628, the Japanese vessels visited Anping again. 
The Dutch authorities seized the arms found on board and im- 
prisoned eleven out of the sixteen natives who had been allured 
to Yedo, but the Japanese captain raised no objection to these 
acts. Before leaving, he visited the Dutch Governor at his 
house outside the city wall. While they were talking together, 



S8 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

a band of Japanese warriors with drawn swords sprang from the 
bushes and seized the Governor, who to his great surprise saw 
that Yahei was the leader. While he was still hesitating what 
was best to do, he was bound hand and foot. Those Dutch 
who attempted to rescue him were either killed or severely 
wounded, and though other Dutch soldiers rushed up to the 
house with guns, they only succeeded in wounding their fellow- 
countrymen. Seeing this, the Governor called out to his men 
not to fire, but to endeavour to make terms with the Japanese. 
To this the Dutch agreed, provided the Japanese were willing 
to adopt a peaceful attitude ; but they informed the Governor 
that, though they wished if possible to save his life, they were 
quite prepared to annihilate the Japanese if they were found to 
be determined upon revenge. Yahei and his companions, recog- 
nising their own inferiority to the Dutch in point of numbers, 
signified their willingness to settle the matter peacefully. Dele- 
gates were appointed and the following conditions agreed to by 
both parties, vi=. : — 

r. Governor Nuyts' son, one Dutch officer (Mr. Muysart) 
and three other Dutchmen shall be handed over to the Japanese 
and be taken by them to Japan as hostages. Five Japanese, 
including the niece of Heizo Suetsugi, Vice-Governor at Naga- 
saki, shall be handed over to the Dutch and be taken by them 
in a Dutch ship to Japan where they shall be exchanged for the 
five Dutch hostages. 

2. The eleven Shihkom natives and the two Chinese inter- 
preters who have been captured and imprisoned by the Dutch 
shall be released, and all property which ha.s been taken from 
them shall be restored. 

3. Appropriate presents shall be presented to Yahei Haraada. 

4. The twenty thousand catties of silk which the Japanese 
lost in China owing to the actions of the Dutch shall be re- 
stored. 

Thus the crisis was averted. About this time, the Vice- 
Govemor of Nagasaki, Heizo Suetsugi, imprisoned forty-six 
Dutchmen who accompanied Yahei to Japan. Three years 
later, Mr. Muysart and also Governor Nuyts' son died in 
prison and, about the same time, all the Japanese residents 
quitted Formosa, rather than submit to the Dutch authorities. 
Yahei's heroic attempt proved to be nothing but the final 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 



59 



flicker of the torch of Japanese enterprise in the island at that 
time. 

Now the Spaniards had succeeded in establishing a trading 
station at Manila even before the Dutch secured Java. Becom- 
ing jealous therefore of the wonderful success which had fallen 
to the lot of their junior colonial rivals, they in February, 1626, 
despatched an expedition from Manila, under the command of 
Don Antonio Carreno de Valdes. They first seized Kelung 
and there erected a fort which they named San Salvador. They 
then captured the port of Tamsui, which they called San Dom- 
ingo, set up a permanent Government, appointed civil officials, 
commenced to propagate their religion, and laid other founda- 
tions for the permanent occupation of the colony. 

Unable to r^ard these acts with indifference, the Dutch 
Governor communicated the facts to the Government at Batavta 
on the one hand ; and, on the other, carefully watched every 
move made by the Spaniards. When at last in 1640 the alli- 
ance between Spain and Portugal was dissolved, the Dutch 
decided to drive the Spaniards out of Formosa. The following 
year the Dutch Governor, Paulus Tradenius, sent an ultimatum 
to Kelung, threatening the Spaniards with an attacit if they did 
not at once surrender. The Spanish Governor, Gonsalo Por- 
tilis, in reply, declared his determination to fight to the very 
last. Thereupon the Dutch despatched their warships, but, 
though they cannonaded both Kelung and Tamsui, they failed 
to make any impression and were forced to retreat. Shortly 
afterwards, the Spanish authorities at Manila recalled four com- 
panies of soldiers from Formosa for a campaign against the 
Mindanao Moors. As soon as the Dutch heard this, they again 
attacked Kelung, and though the few remaining Spanish soldiers 
fought gallantly and even managed to hold on for three weeks, 
they were forced at last to surrender, and the whole island came 
under Dutch dominion. 

From this time the Dutch paid special attention to the 
civilisation of the country, giving the people good government, 
while the Dutch missionaries worked in unison with the authori- 
ties and did their utmost to help the natives to become more 
refined and respectable. In this way the native tribes came to 
serve the Dutch gladly. At this time, China was in a deeply 
disturbed state; misrule and constant court intrigues had com- 



60 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

pletely alienated the sympathks of the people. The Tartar 
horden were overrunning the north* while the Japanese pirates 
never ceased to ravage her sea-coast towns. No part of her 
vast dominions was secure from the bands of robbers and 
brigands who swarmed eveiywhere. Thus thousands of people 
were driven across the straits in the hope of securing peace and 
safety in Formosa. In the hands of these honest, hard-working 
toilers the Industries of the island flourished exceedingly. In 
the year i6so, the poll-tax alone, which the Dutch levied on 
the new-comers, amounted to 33*700 reals, and during the 
same year the hunting-tax of one real per hunter produced 
36,(X)0 reals. All these facts encouraged the Dutch to indulge 
In ihn wildeMt of dreams, and to consider the future of their 
Islancl luHne as most bright. 




;hina — The pirate chief Cheng Chi-Iung — His growing power — Is 
succeeded by his son Koxinga — Koxinga, driven from the mainland. attacliB 
Fotmo&a in 1661 — Fori Zeelandia capitulates after a heioic resistance — Tbe 
Dutch leave the island with the honourE of wai — Koiinga's enlightened rule 
— He sends a mission to Manila 10 demand tribute — Koxinga's death in 
1663 — Cheng Ching. his son and successor, is driven from Amoy— His 
death in 16S2 leaves Fotmoea without an able ruler — The Chinese reconquer 
the island in 16S3. 

The peace which China had enjoyed for nearly three hundred 
years under the Ming dynasty was rudely disturbed, first by 
the Japanese pirates, then by the Hideyoshi's invasion of Corea, 
and twenty years later by the Manchu uprising which ended 
in the overthrow of the Mings and the coining into power of 
the present dynasty. The whole empire was thrown into dis- 
order. Hundreds and thousands of people attempted to escape 
the troubles by crossing the sea, some to Formosa, others to 
Japan. 

Now there was a tailor, named Cheng Chi-lung, also known 
as Iquan, who was born in a small seaside village in the province 
of Fokicn. His business being ruined by the prevailing anarchy, 
he betook himself to Macau. There he entered the service of 
a Portuguese merchant, became a Roman Catholic and received 
the name of Nicholas, In the course of time he reached Japan, 
was summoned to Yedo by the Shogun and questioned with 
regard to foreign affairs. While in business at Nagasaki, 
he became attached to a young lady of seventeen, who lived 
at Hirado and was a member of the Tagawa family. This lady 
1 he married, and in 1624, she bore him a son whom the parents 
I named Fukumatsu, but who is better known as Koxinga. The 

L 



62 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

father was really a pirate, who traded or raided as opportunity 
ofTered. Witli Formosa as his headquarters, he helped those 
who helped him, but was a bitter enemy to all who opposed 
him. Nearly all the pirates working on the Chinese coast, and 
even those further south owned his sway. He commanded 
over 3,000 sail and amassed enormous wealth. Hoping to 
use him to suppress the lesser pirates, the Chinese Government 
gave him a position of high rank in the Province of Fokien, 
thus affording him the opportunity of associating with many 
well-bom nobles and other high dignitaries. 

In 1639, when the pirate Liu Hiang-lao disturbed the peace 
of the Province, Cheng Chi-lung attacked and defeated him. 
His services and loyalty to the Government, and the valuable 
presents which he made to the Court, greatly increased his 
power, and gained him many influential friends. In 1644, when 
the Ming Emperor died, the Brigadier-General Ching Hung- 
tah attempted to re-establish the Tang dynasty. Followed by 
the Tang claimant, he entered Folden, and with Cheng Chi- 
lung's assistance, succeeded in proclaiming him Emperor. In 
reward for his aid, the new Emperor created Cheng Chi-lung a 
Prince, giving Koxinga his son the honourable family name of 
Shu and the title of Count, afterwards promoting hira to be a 
Marquis. 

Finding shortly afterwards that the new Emperor was not 
worthy of his support, Cheng Chi-lung commenced a secret cor- 
respondence with the opposing party of Shin in order to main- 
tain his power by their help. On discovering this treachery, 
the Tang Emperor fled to a district in the south-west of Fokien 
province, and there starved himself to death. But, though the 
Emperor was thus disposed of, Cheng Chi-lung's plans failed 
and he himself was arrested in Peking. Koxinga succeeded his 
father, and took command of the navy. Making the island of 
Gulandao near Amoy his headquarters, he proclaimed that he 
would restore the Ming dynasty to power, and gathered together 
the remaining adherents of that dynasty. He was soon master 
of parts of Fokien, Shansi and Kwangtung, and sent messengers 
to Japan asking for help. Though the Tokugawa Shogun re- 
jected these proposals, the Ming leaders were greatly encouraged, 
and when, soon after, he seized the islands of Chusan, they 
sent messengers from Yunnan, appointing him Commander- 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 



63 



tn-Chief. and promising he should also be District King of 
Yemping. 

From this time Koxinga's power gradually became so 
strong that he was called " The Father of the Country," and al! 
thought he was the man to restore the Ming dynasty to the 
throne. In 1659, he coUected 3,000 ships, invested Chinkiang 
and captured it, immediately afterwards threatening Genlin. 
At the same time he issued a manifesto which brought him 
large numbers of fresh adherents. 

By a clever stratagem, however, he was defeated by the 
Governor of Kiangsi and Chehkiang ; and, having lost 500 ships, 
retired to Amoy. The Tartar General, flushed with victory, 
pursued him with 800 sail ; but Koxinga's 400 remaining ships 
fought so valiantly that the Tartars were soon forced to flee. 
Despairing of conquering Koxinga by ordinary means, the 
Tartar Emperor now determined to cut off" his supplies, All 
the people living within four leagues of the sea, from Canton 
to Nanking, were commanded to retire inland ; the dwellings 
and crops were completely destroyed, and the whole sea-board 
turned into a desert. This forced Ko.xinga to seek for fresh 
headquarters. With this object in view, he made secret in- 
quiries about the condition of Formosa, in answer to which the 
Chinese in the island sent messengers, inviting him to come 
over and free them from the Dutch. At this time, there was 
in the Dutch Court at Formosa an interpreter named Ho Bien, 
who had formerly worked with the Japanese pirates, but had 
been dismissed by them on account of his crimes. This man 
now assured Koxinga that Formosa could easily be conquered. 
The island authorities were well aware of Koxinga's wild am- 
bitions, and frequently wrote to Batavia for reinforcements ; 
but the Dutch Government there, not realizing the danger and 
considering the Formosan garrison quite strong enough, not only 
failed to send any a.ssistance, but actually instructed the fleet 
which had been guarding Formosa to attack Macau and then 
return direct to Batavia. 

Having learnt this through his spies, Koxinga collected 
several hundred ships and 25,ocx) soldiers, and set sail from 
Amoy, 31st August, 1661. He called first at the Pescadores 
and then landed to the north of Tainan, when countless Chinese 
received him with open arms and flocked to his banner. Some 



64 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

of the troops carried bows and arrows, others had swords whose 
handles were three feet long, while others could outstrip the 
fleetest horse. Holding their shields aloft, they charged the 
enemy's positions, and fought utterly regardless whether they 
lived or died. All these wore metal armour. There were also 
a few riflemen and artillery. This army was not considered at 
all equal to the Dutch forces either in training and discipline or 
in equipment ; but when Koxinga arrived, the inhabitants of the 
whole island rose up gainst the Dutch, the savages uniting with 
the Chinese, and all exulting at the prospect of freedom. All 
the Dutch outside the castles had their property destroyed, and 
they themselves were subjected to the greatest indignities, the 
women being dishonoured and many of the men crucified. 
Being thus assailed by the entire native population of the island, 
the Dutch saw that they could not retain their position, and 
abandoned Fort Providentia without fighting. Koxinga then 
proceeded to besiege Fort Zeelandia, the last stronghold of the 
Dutch, but here they made a stubborn resistance. Only after 
nine months did they capitulate, and even then only upon 
Koxinga's agreeing to the following conditions, vk. : — 

1. The Dutch shall be allowed to take all necessary pro- 
visions, as also gunpowder, bullets and fuses. 

2. All private movable property may be taken to the ships 
after inspection, 

3. The Dutch shall be allowed to take away a certain sum 
of money, 

4- The Dutch soldiers may retire with loaded rifles, flying 
banners, burning lint, and may embark to the accompaniment 
of beating drums. 

5. All prisoners to be returned within eight or ten days, and 
those in China as soon as possible. 

6. Ko.xinga will return the four ships" boats which he 
captured. 

7. Fort Zeelandia and its outworks, artillery, war materials, 
merchandise, treasure and other State property to be given up 
to Koxinga. 

8. All papers and books belonging to the Government may 
be taken to Batavia. 

The Dutch Governor Coyett with the remnant of his soldiers, 
now reduced to 1,000 men, together with all the Dutch officials 



^^P FORMOSA IN THE PAST 65 

And merchants who still remained alive left for Batavia in 
September, 1662. Thus the Dutch occupation of Formosa 
came to an end after having lasted for thirty-eight years, and 
the fruits of their wise policy and praisewortiiy efforts rapidly 
disappeared. 

When Koxinga found himself in full possession of the island, 
he established his court at Zeelandla, and at once appointed 
numerous civil and military officials. Volunteer corps were 
formed in different parts of the island. Agriculture was en- 
couraged, no plot of ground being allowed to He waste without 
good and sufficient reason. Official discipline and social order 
were also strictly enforced. His eldest son, Cheng Ching, was 
placed in command of the military and naval forces at Amtyy, 
while an able officer was stationed at the Pescadores and in- 
structed to co-operate with the Amoy forces. 

Koxinga had become acquainted with a Dominican friar 
from Spain, who lived in Amoy and bore the name of Vittorio 
Riccia This friar he now sent to Manila with despatches 
threatening an attack unless the colony paid him a yearly 
tribute. The Spanish authorities, suspecting something of the 
kind, as soon as they heard that an envoy had arrived from the 
King of Formosa, prepared 8,000 footmen and lOO cavalry, 
and then received the ambassador with due ceremony. At this 
time the Chinese residents in Manila were extremely numerous, 
and even before the envoy's arrival, were greatly excited over 
the news that had reached them of how Koxinga had succeeded 
in expelling all the Dutch from Formosa, Their excitement was 
much intensified when the friar arrived as the King's envoy, 
and they also heard, by private letters from their friends and 
acquaintances in Formosa, the real object of his visit When 
challenged by the Spanish officials, they were all found to be 
insurgents and were at once put to the sword, a few only being 
spared to act as tradesmen and mechanics. Being quite un- 
prepared for such a result, Riccio returned to Formosa. When 
the Formosan Chinese heard how their friends had been killed, 
they became furious, and it seemed as though they would not 
be satisfied until, under Koxinga 's leadership, they had killed 
every Spaniard in Manila. 

At this juncture, however, Koxinga fell ill and, though only 
thirty-nine, was unable to throw off the disease which had 
5 




w 



66 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

attacked him. He breathed his last in July, 1663. Although 
brought up among pirates and frcebcx>ters, he was by no means 
a common pirate. Inheriting tact and talent from his father, 
and a sound judgment and daring from his mother, he was 
full of great ambitions roused by the tendencies of the ^e, and 
proved himself to be a hero, gifted with great governing and 
organising powers. If he had been bom in Nanking among 
high courtiers, he would assuredly have taken a prominent part 
in the civil war then raging in China, in connection with the 
coming in of the Tartar dynasty. As it was, his deeds in For- 
mosa proved him a statesman of no ordinary mould. He was 
indeed the leading spirit of the Government, and he alone gave 
life and vigour to the whole institution. 

As he died before the people had come to understand the 
spirit of his ordinances, chaos succeeded. He had left direc- 
tions that his eldest son, Cheng Ching, should succeed him, 
but as this son had once displeased his father greatly, the 
generals in Formosa said Koxinga had passed him over, and 
they made Koxinga's brother Shu king instead. This the Amoy 
army would not consent to, but maintained that the son was the 
rightful heir and went over to the island, where they found that 
nearly all the Chinese residents held the same opinion. Having 
dethroned the usurper without striking a single blow, Cheng 
Ching returned to Amoy and again took up his military duties. 

But the Dutch, wishing to retrieve their defeat and regain 
Formosa, fitted out an expedition consisting of sixteen warships, 
1,386 sailors and 1,234 soldiers, which they despatched from 
Batavia, after having made a compact with the Governor of 
Fokien that his forces should unite with theirs, drive Cheng 
Ching out of Amoy, and then conquer the whole of Formosa. 
Several fierce battles were fought, and finally Cheng Ching re- 
tired to Formosa, where he devoted all his energies to commerce, 
agriculture and education. He fostered so many new industries 
that the inhabitants were enabled to live in comfort and become 
independent of supplies from abroad. But all the time he could 
not forget his father's plans. In 1679, ^^ again entered Amoy 
with 20,000 soldiers and proceeded to attack the Fokien strong- 
holds. These held out month after month while his enemies' 
hosts gathered, until at last he was obliged to fight on three sides 
at once, and was again forced to retire to Formosa. Realizing 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 



67 



then, that his plans for continental conquest were impossible of 
attainment, he turned his attention solely to home government 
and became greatly loved by his people. He died of some 
disease in 1682, in his thirty-second year. 

His bastard son Cheng Ko-tsang should have succeeded him, 
but Cheng's mother hated him and, refusing to acknowledge 
him as her grandson, had him secretly strangled in the palace. 
She loved Cheng Ko-shwang, the second son, and set him on 
the throne. The Tartar governor of Fokien succeeded in 
sowing discord among the king's courtiers, bribing some and 
threatening others. In 1683 the Tartar admiral occupied the 
Pescadores, where through his spies he received secret reports 
as to the conditions in Formosa. The king's army fought 
valiantly, but was at last forced to surrender. Thus after being 
governed by Koxinga and his descendants for twenty-one years, 
the whole island came under Chinese control. 



s' 




Section IV. — Struggles between Chinese and 
Savages. 

Chinese methodH in Potmosa — Savages and immigrantB — Twenty-lwo rebellionE 
— Brief history of Choo Vihkwei— Hia rebellion — Count de Benyowsky — 
Clan fights — Civil wai. 

In 1683, as soon as the Chinese had conquered Formosa, they 
made it a part of Fokien Province and called it " Taiwan," the 
name once given by the Dutch to one small island, the present 
Anping. The capital was called Taiwan Fu, as the seat of the 
centra! Government, and the whole island was divided into 
three prefectures, Taiwan, Shora and Hozan. The Chinese 
Government never allowed any of the officials to remain long 
in the island, or to take over their families, fearing that a 
lengthy stay might make them too independent. Indeed, the 
Government had no wish to civilise the island, they simply 
wished to retain It as it was. This spirit showed itself in all 
they did, and thus the Government was even more careless 
and irresponsible than on the mainland. 

We find nothing noteworthy in their administration for 
two hundred years, until we come to Liu Ming-chuan, who at 
one time seemed likely to accomplish something. Whatever 
social or industrial improvements were effected before his time, 
were entirely due to the private efforts of the Chinese emigrants 
from the interior of China. This emigration movement was 
too strong to be checked by the Government edicts, which for- 
bade any one to emigrate without express permission. Fur- 
nished as they were with better weapons, these new-comers 
plundered the native tribes, stealing their lands, wasting their 
farms, and cheating them out of their crops. They even went 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 69 

so far as to set fire to their houses and shoot them on sight, 
until at last the latter were forced to fly for refuge further and 
further into the mountains, and were terrified at the sight of a 
foreigner. The poor savages began to regard all strangers as 
their natural enemies, and their inborn ferocity was greatly in- 
creased by the cruel wrongs they had suffered; consequently 
race fights between them and the Chinese settlers became so 
frequent, that for more than two hundred years hardly a day 
passed without one. 

The Chinese authorities, unable to maintain order even 
among their own people, took no steps to deal justly with the 
savages, but left them to settle their difficulties on the barbar- 
ous principle of the survival of the strongest. The strong 
oppressed the weak, and the weak, in wild attempts to escape 
the sad and cruel fate which they saw awaited them, resorted 
to plots and violence, and thus the whole island was convulsed 
with periodic insurrections. The following is a list of the 
twenty-two most important insurrections, which have occurred 
in the island since the Chinese conquest 220 years ago : — 

1683. The Chinese Conquest. 

1696. Insurrection at Shinko in Tainan, headed by Go Chu 
(Go Kyu). 

1701. Insurrection at Shora (Kagi), led by Liu Chow (Ryu 
Kyaku). 

1721. Insurrection at Taiwan (Tainan) under Choo Yihkwei. 
Joined by rebels from Kagi, he threw the whole island into a 
tumult, made himself Emperor, and reigned for three years. 

1731, Insurrection at Hozan under Woo Fuh-sing (Go 
Fukusei), 

1738. Insurrection led by Hu Gwazen, Kyo Kokuchin and 
Yang Wenlin. 

1770. Insurrection at Hozan under Hong Chau (Okyo). 

1786. The whole island became a scene of wild revolt 
through insurrections at Kagi and Shoka, led by Lin Shoan- 
wen and others, and by Choan Tah-tien at Tainan and Hozan. 

1795. Insurrection under Chien Chu-choan (Chin Shuzen). 

1800. Insurrection under Wong Kong. 

1802. Tsah Ken, a pirate, attacked Amoy, and, entering 
by the Tatam Gate, he carried away the large guns. He was 
a native of Tung-an. In 1805, he landed in Formosa, where 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

after plundering Tamsui, and killing many people at Roktco, 
he plundered and set fire to Tainan and Hozan. 

1807. Tsu Pun, a pirate, invaded Giran. 

iSlO. Insurrection under Hupeh. 

181 1. Insurrection at Taihoku under Ko Kwat. 

1822. Insurrection under Lin Yong-chun. 

1832. Insurrection under Chang Bien of Kagi. 

1853- Insurrection at Giran, led by Otaii and Lin Wan- 
yung. 

1853. Insurrection at Hozan, led by Lin Kung. 

1854. Insurrection at Kagi under Lai Tsiah. 

i8S5- Insurrection led by Lin Fang and Wang Biang. 

1861. Insurrection at Shoka, led by Taiwan Sang, who set 
fire to the houses and plundered the people for more than three 
years. 

1872. Insurrection led by Liao Yofu. 

1888. Insurrection at Shoka, led by Su Gyudwan. 

Of the above, that under Choo Yihkwei was one of the 
worst, as it spread through almost the whole island. He called 
himself Emperor, and changed the name of the epoch to Yong- 
ho. A glance at bis career will show how easy it was to stir 
up the people, and how indolent and careless the officials were. 
Choo Yihkwei was a colonist of the worst type, who was era- 
ployed for a short time as a servant at a police station. Losing 
this position, he sought to make a living by feeding ducks. 
According to their custom, these feathered creatures marched 
out daily in regular rows, like files of soldiers, returning in the 
evening in the same manner. This, it is said, suggested to 
him his first idea of military tactics. Collecting a number of 
outlaws and other desperadoes, he told them that his family 
name, Choo, showed that he was descended from the Imperial 
family of the great Ming dynasty. Hearing this, the people 
recollected the romantic stories they had heard of a prince and 
princess, who in ancient times had fled to Taoyuen, where they 
had gathered together a band of followers, who had helped 
them to regain their throne. Inspired by these tales, the 
people ot^nised a new league, and brought in hundreds of 
recruits. The authorities sent a few soldiers against them, 
but these were quickly routed. The Government then put a 
price on Choo's head. A few days later, a head, said to be 






r 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 71 

his, was brought and laid before the commander, but the real 
Choo still lived and still repulsed the troops sent against him. 
He invaded the city of Taiwan Fu and emptied the treasury, 
carrying off all the public documents, a quantity of gunpowder 
and many firearms. In a short time the insurrection spread 
from Tainan to Tamsui, the Government authorities only 
avoiding capture by fleeing to Amoy, Choo then assumed 
the title of " Emperor of Formosa," and treated HLs subjects, 
as he formerly had his ducks, with due consideration. Plunder 
was -forbidden, and property, as well as lives, protected. So 
powerful did he become, that the Fokien generals found they 
required over 20,000 men in order to subdue him. This shows 
how utterly inefficient the Chinese Government was at this 
time. 

We have already observed how the Chinese, by their cruelty 
and wickedness, made the savages their undying enemies, but 
the following story will show how deep seated this enmity was. 
Count de Benyowsky. a young Hungarian nobleman, having 
gone to Poland, and taken part in the War of Independence, 
was taken prisoner by the Russians, and banished to Kamt- 
schatka in 1770. His ambitious nature chafed against the con- 
finement, so with ninety-six other exiles he seized a vessel and 
set sail to return to Europe. On the way, he dropped anchor 
at some port in Formosa, Having killed 1,056 of the natives 
who opposed his landing, he advanced into the interior of the 
island, where he met a Spaniard, named Don Hieronimo. who 
introduced him to Huapo, an independent Formosan chief. 
The chief received him with much respect, and agreed to give 
him large estates in the island and to allow him to establish a 
colony. On his side, Benyowsky undertook to procure for him 
armed vessels and help him to expel the Chinese. The chiefs 
idea was to use Benyowsky to drive out the Chinese, and thus 
revenge himself for all the cruel wrongs he had suffered at their 
hands. Count Benyowsky's plan for colonizing the island, at- 
tracted attention all over Europe for a time, but was not well 
received in influential circles, with the result that, when a few 
years later he was killed in Madagascar, while fighting against 
the French, his schemes were soon forgotten. 

The most noteworthy feature in the history of the island 
during the 200 years of the Chinese occupation, was the never- 



72 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

ending stream of Chinese emigrants which poured in from the 
mainland. The great majority of these hailed from Fokien and 
Kwangtung. For hundreds of years they had never known 
what good government was. but had suffered intolerable op- 
pression from their so-called rulers, while at the same time 
bands of brigands and robbers had gone about filling the 
country with violence and crime. This caused each man to 
take the law into his own hands, and so it came about that all 
who bore the same family name banded together, and fought 
in defence of their honour and property against those bearing 
a different name. If, however, their force was insufficient, 
thay would secure the assistance of a third party. In this way. 
each family became a sort of independent community, the head 
of the family ruling like a king over all the other members. 
These family feuds were continued until one party or the other 
was altogether wiped out of existence. This custom still pre- 
vails in Fokien and Kwangtung, being due to the weakness 
and incapacity of the administration. The Chinese emigrants 
to Formosa brought this custom with them when they first 
came over, and, finding the officials too careless and indolent to 
be relied on, had more and more recourse to the family feud 
for the settlement of their disputes, Thus these bloody fights 
became even more frequent and violent than on the mainland. 
In 1782, representatives of the Tsweng clan and the Chang 
clan met together, in the neighbourhood of Shoka, for a gambling 
contest, A dispute arose, which became so bitter that the 
Chinese officials were roused from their apathy and interfered. 
They took the part of the Tsweng clan, compelling the op- 
posite party to issue a manifesto summoning all their relatives 
to rise and overthrow the Government The island was divided 
into two districts, the north and the south ; Lin Shoan-wen and 
Choan Tah-tien being the respective chiefs. This caused a 
general uprising, which spread from Tainan in the south through 
Shinchiku, finally reaching Tamsui. One can readily imagine 
how fearful the contest must have been, and what terrible 
suffering it must have entailed, seeing that it was not only a 
struggle between the Government and the people, but also a 
fight to the death between one clan and another. This in- 
surrection was, it is true, quelled by the Government troops 
from Fokien, but, in reality, the people only stopped fighting 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 73 

with each other, because they were all utterly worn out. It is 
said that the number of those who were either killed outright 
in this war, or died from the pestilence which followed, reached 
!00,ooo. In i8S9i a struggle again broke out between these 
two clans, but this time the authorities left them to fight it out 
till they were exhausted. Two years later, after the fall of 
Taiwan Sang, who called himself Emperor, civil war broke out 
again, and over 3,cxx> people were killed on each side. 

The way in which the Chinese officials acted, in connection 
with these outbreaks, was often very amusing. When Taiwan 
Sang was defeated and fled, he had one general, Gon Hochun, 
whose wife had long been famous for her great beauty. She 
had attracted the notice of one of the Government generals by 
gazing at him for a long time as he passed the house ; but 
when he afterwards sent a message to summon her, she became 
quite indignant and called him a " traitor ". Ten years later, 
while fighting against the same general, all her followers were 
killed, and she herself received some burns. On this the general 
sent her to a doctor, saying, " Thus I repay this woman for 
the kindness she showed me ten years a^o". This story 
occasioned many a smile, even in that day, and we see from 
this that the Chinese military men made love, even while they 
were on active service. 



CHAPTER III. {Continued). 

formosa in the past. 

Section v.— Formosa and the Powers. 

Fmeign designs on FonnosB— Chinese inertia — The \aA lepuution of Cbc 
inlukbitanu — Muider of foreign sailocE — American relalialion and Chinese 
evaiion — DiHaBtera lo Japanese veasela — Opposition lo Japanese schemes — 
Japanese expedition — War with China narrowly averted— French attempt 
to occupy Formosa — Chinese attempts at law and order — Cession of the 
island to Japan. 

Though China left the government of Formosa in the hands 
of irresponsible mandarins, and made no attempt to strengthen 
her position there, the great European powers, fully alive to 
their interests in the East, began to recognise its commercial 
and strat^ic importance. In France, Napoleon the Third 
turned envious eyes on the island, England and America openly 
discussed what was best to be done, and even Germany, who 
had so recently joined the ranks of colonial powers, privately 
attempted to occupy it.' 

These powers, indeed, were so eager to gain possession of 
the island that its sudden occupation would have occasioned 
no surprise. But, although Formosa was in such imminent 
danger, the Chinese Government made but little effort to 
establish their supremacy. All they did was to endeavour to 
impress the people with the strength and dignity of the Peking 
Government, to invite the able young men of the island to 
become candidates for official positions, and to prohibit the 
Chinese from plundering and lU-treating the savages ; but as 
they took no measures whatever to enforce these regulations, 
those Chinese, who came into close contact with the savages, 
became savages themselves, and acted in a high-handed manner. 

' GnckichU dtr Iiatl Formosa, by Dr. Ludwig Reias. 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 



75 



Since the Chinese Government behaved in such a supine 
way towards their own subjects, it is not to be wondered at 
that they made no attempt, during these two centuries, to ex- 
tend their influence over the native tribes. Not only were no 
attempts made to civilise the savages, but, on the contrary, 
they were continually maltreated and oppressed, undl at last 
they came to look upon all other members of the human race 
as their natural enemies, and to eye every one outside their 
own particular tribe with murderous intent. Hence it happened 
that when passing ships were disabled by typhoons, or lost 
their bearings, and ran on the rocks, all the survivors who 
escaped to the shore were at once captured, robbed of every- 
thing they had saved, and generally murdered by their captors. 
Thus Formosa became notorious all through the mercantile 
world, not only for the boisterous weather experienced on its 
shores, but also for the pitiless cruelty of its inhabitants. 

In 1842, the British steamer Ann was wrecked on the 
coast to the south-west of Tamsui, and the whole of the fif^- 
seven persons, who managed to reach the land, were beheaded 
by the Chinese, who at the same time appropriated all their 
belongings. The British Minister in China entered a vigorous 
complaint, but only succeeded in obtaining an official apolc^y 
from the Fokien authorities. 

In 1850, another British vessel, the Larpent, was wrecked 
on the southern coast of the island. Ail who managed to 
reach the shore were at once seized by the savages, some being 
slaughtered on the spot, while others were dragged off into 
the jungle. A few managed to escape from their captors, but, 
on being found by the Chinese, were sold as slaves. 

In 1869, the transport Elbe, of the Prussian expedition to 
East Asia, visited the south of Formosa, and a small party of 
marines was landed. Without any apparent provocation the 
savages immediately opened fire on them, and the party was 
obliged to return to the ship. The Prussian commander at 
once landed a stronger body and destroyed the village. 

In 1867, when the American vessel Rover ran on a rock 
in the neighbourhood of Takow, the captain, his wife, and the 
crew, after reaching the shore with some difficulty, were at 
once brutally murdered by the Botansha tribe of sav^es, a 
Chinese sailor who had concealed himself alone escaping. The 



76 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

American Minister at Pelting lost no time in demanding com- 
pensation from the authorities; but they replied that the 
southern part of Formosa was beyond the pale, and the 
Americans might therefore take what revenge they chose. A 
detachment of American marines was landed near Takow, and, 
with the assistance of some Chinese soldiers, attacked and 
dispersed the savages. The United States consul at Amoy, 
General C. W. Le Gendre, who was with the party, then Riade 
a compact with Tokitok. the savage chief. This the latter 
&ithfully observed, and from that day he and his immediate 
followers gave shelter and assistance to such unfortunates as 
were cast upon their shores. The other tribes did not acknow- 
ledge Tokitok "s supremacy, and continued their murderous 
work as before. The Chinese authorities always tried to evade 
their responsibilities by pretending that the island was outside 
the pale of civilisation, but the time was now approaching 
when such indolence and cunning were to receive their well- 
deserved punishment. 

Itchanced that in December, 1871, a larg^ fishing and trading 
vessel belonging to Miyakojima, oneof the Loochoo islands, was 
wrecked on the southern coast, and fifty-four of the crew were 
murdered by savages of the Botan tribe, A few survivors were 
eventually able to return to their homes, and by them the news 
of the disaster was made known to the Japanese authorities. 
N^otiations were at once opened with the Peking Government, 
but they as usual repudiated all responsibility. In 1873, a 
similar atrocity was committed, but this time the Japanese 
Government, recognising that they could obtain no satisfaction 
from Peking, decided to chastise the savages themselves. 

In 1874 a special bureau was opened. Okuma Shigenobu, 
of the Imperial Council, was appointed General Superintendent, 
and General Saigo Judo, Commander-in-Chief of the Expedi- 
tionary Forces. Two American naval officers, Messrs. Cassel 
and Wasson, accompanied him as his foreign assistants, and 
General Le Gendre, the American ex-consul at Amoy, as 
diplomatic adviser; a number of foreign ships were also char- 
tered to transport soldiers, arms, food, etc. Mr. Bingham, the 
American Minister, sympathised with the purpose of the ex- 
pedition, not only because the Botan savages had killed and 
maltreated many American sailors, but also because he himself 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 



77 



was "vecy friendly to Japan ; but, when all the arrangements had 
been perfected, and the chartered transports were about to leave 
Shmagawa, he protested against the employment of any Ameri- 
can ship for war purposes, unless the Government had first 
obtained China's written consent to the expedition. He further 
sent orders to the agent of the Pacific Mail Steamship Co., to 
delay the sailing of the NrM York, one of the chartered vessels. 
After much difticiJty the Government secured other smaller 
ships, and the whole expedition sailed for Amoy. There Mr. 
Manson, the Japanese Government War Agent, resigned his 
post by order of his consul ; and a seaman, named Patterson, 
who had expressed a desire to act as pilot and interpreter to 
the expedition, was warned that if he joined the party he would 
get two years' imprisonment. Thus all the arrangements were 
upset. England and America had no ill feelings towards Japan, 
but they were afraid of hurting China's susceptibilities, while 
the foreign press was suspicious that Japan was going to use 
Formosa as an excuse for a war with China. 

But Japan's honour was too deeply engaged to allow her to 
withdraw, so the expedition, 3,500 strong, set out as it was, and 
reached Liangkiau Bay in the south of Formosa, Here they 
landed, and after defeating the Botan savages, penetrated far 
into the interior. At this, the Chinese, who had expected the 
Japanese to take to their heels on their first encounter with the 
savages, were greatly surprised, and sent word to the Peking 
Court that the southern part of the island was in the hands of 
the Japanese. The Chinese Government bought war material, 
collected ships, levied soldiers, and in fact made every prepara- 
tion for sending lo.ocx) Fokien troops to the island ; everything 
seemed to show that war between Japan and China was inevit- 
able, and might break out at any moment. 

But as from the very outset Japan had no intention of 
fighting with China, General Le Gendre was sent to Fokien 
to open negotiations with the Chinese officials, and arrange 
that China should indemnify Japan for the expenses she had 
incurred in connection with the expedition, and should also 
give guarantees that in future the savages in Formosa would 
commit no more outrages. On reaching Amoy, General Le 
Gendre was arrested by the American Consul on a charge of 
treason, and was sent to Shanghai. Though he was soon 



78 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

released, this incident placed Japan diplomatically in a very 
disadvantageous position. She, therefore, appointed Okubo 
Toshimitsu, an eminent statesman, as her plenipotentiary and 
sent him to Peking to interview Prince Kung and others. 
China, however, made every effort to evade her responsibility ; 
the Japanese envoy despaired of effecting a settlement, and 
was about to break off the negotiations and return home, when 
the British Minister, Mr. Wade, intervened, and peace was at 
last concluded between the two countries upon the following 
terms : — 

1. Japan's chastisement of the savages in the southern parts 
of Formosa, undertaken as it was to protect her own subjects, 
is acknowledged by China to have been a just and proper pro- 
ceeding, and cannot in any way be designated as a wrong action. 

2. China shall pay 100,000 taels for the relief of the families 
of the shipwrecked Japanese subjects who were maltreated. 
Japan has constructed roads and built houses, etc, in that place, 
China, wishing to have the use of these for herself, agrees to 
pay 400,000 taels for them. 

3. All the official correspondence hitherto exchanged be- 
tween the two States shall be returned (mutually) and be an- 
nulled, to prevent any future misunderstanding. As to the 
savages, China engages to establish authority, and promises 
that navigators shall he protected from injury by them here- 
after. 

Thus war between the two countries was averted. 

At this time, the English and French residents in Shanghai 
and Tientsin considered the Japanese expedition against 
Formosa to be the introduction to a war with China ; they 
believed that Japan was merely using the island as a stepping- 
stone, and wished in that way to divert her subjects' attention 
from their home troubles. Knowing all this, the Chinese 
Government realized at last that Formosa was really in a very 
dangerous position, and that if they were to save the island they 
must exert themselves to the utmost. In 1875. *he Governor 
of Fokien was ordered to spend some months of every year 
in the Island, and the regulations, prohibiting the Chinese from 
penetrating the savage territories and forbidding them to emi- 
grate to the island, were removed. The Governor of Fokien, 
Liu Ming-chuan, made Taihoku the capital and seat of Govern- 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 



79 



iDent, and built the city wall. All that is worthy of the name 
of government in Formosa dates from this year. 

When, in 1884, the French Government took up arms 
against China with regard to the Tonkin boundary question, 
the French tricolour floated for eight months over the Kelung 
forts, Admiral Courbet having, in accordance with his instrac- 
tions, blockaded and occupied the port. The Pescadores were 
also occupied at the same time, and, if Admiral Courbet had 
not died of cholera, Formosa as well as Tonkin might have 
passed into French possession. 

Startled first by the Japanese expedition against the 
Botansha tribe of savages, and then by the French attack 
under Admiral Courbet, China perceived how much of the 
world's attention Formosa was attracting, and she therefore 
proceeded to establish herself more firmly in the island. The 
garrisons were increased, the fortifications repaired and 
strengthened, arsenals and telegraph stations built, and rail- 
ways constructed. To meet the cost of these improvements 
the authorities commenced to reraeasure and reassess all landed 
property. But the people, not understanding that the island 
was the object of the world's ambition, saw no reason for the 
great increase in taxation, and complaints became general. 
At length, Liu Ming-chuan, unable to withstand their opposi- 
tion, resigned his post and returned home in 189O. 

His successor, Shao Yu-lien, tried to win popularity among 
the islanders by extensive economies. All appropriations 
were cut down, and the spirit of progress, which had begun to 
show itself, died away. Shao Yu-lien was succeeded in 1894 
by Tang Ching-sung. and in the following year, by virtue of 
the Shimonoseki treaty, the Island became a Japanese posses- 
sion. 

During the 280 years which have passed from the com- 
mencement of the Dutch occupation down to the present time, 
Formosa has seen four changes of sovereignty. She has had 
three pretended kings, and has experienced more than twenty 
insurrections which assumed sufficient importance to be recorded 
in history. Such continual unrest is very rare in modern times, 
and amply accounts for the restlessness and lack of patriotism 
of the people. 



k 



M 



CHAPTER III. {.Continued). 
FORMOSA IN THE PAST. 

Section VI.— Rise and Fall of the so-called 
Republic. 

La Yung Fu appotnled Governor .Generil — Hasty prepiiations ta lepd the 
Japanese invasion — Enlistment of volunlcers — China's offer ol Formosa to 
England rejected — French overtures declined — Japan occupies the Pesca- 
dores — Chinese terror- stricken— The island in a stale of anarchy— A Republic 
established — Japanese expedition to lake possession— Kelung occupied^ 
Official transfer of the island — Taihoku in the hands of the mob — Foreign 
residents appeal lo the Japanese army — The Japanese advance southwards 
— Tainan surrounded — The Chinese sue for pcacc^ — Flight of Chinese 
Governor — Japanese and Chinese losses. 

The series of defeats which China had sustained in the Liao- 
tung Peninsula, made it evident to the whole world that she 
would soon have to sue for peace. The rumour was spread, by 
whom is not known, that Japan would, as one of the conditions 
of peace, demand the cession of Formosa and the Pescadores. 
China, therefore, sent stores of arms and money to Formosa, 
and, at the same time, placed the southern defences of the island 
in charge of Lu Yung Fu, the Black Flag Chief, who had dis- 
tinguished himself as a brave general during the French war in 
Annam. From this time the minds of the inhabitants were 
greatly perturbed, and they did nothing day and night but talk 
of the coming Japanese invasion and prepare for it as best they 
could. Among the wealthy, the timid took refuge from the 
impending calamity by fleeing to the mainland, while the 
braver remained, but sent away all their treasures to Foochow, 
Hong Kong and other places, and thepoor buried their meagre 
savings in the ground. 

When the report came that Japan was actually fitting out 
her fleet to invade the island, the people were seized with a 
general panic At this time. Tang Ching-sung, the Vice- 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 8t 

Governor of the island, visited Taihoku, and to rouse the spirits 
of the population and stir them to hostihty against the Japan- 
ese, issued proclamations, in which he referred to the Japanese 
as " The horrible yellow Japanese dwarfs who would carry 
away the women, kill the children, and reduce all to slavery". 
He also put a price on Japanese heads ; any one killing a 
general should receive 500 taels besides other rewards, any one 
killing an officer 500 taels, and any one killing a soldier 100 
taels, while for the capture or destruction of a large man-of- 
war 70,000 taels was promised. Incited by cupidity, the rabble 
of the population enlisted by hundreds, and soon the barracks 
at Kelung and Taihoku were crowded to overflowing. Under 
the influence of wine, these undisciplined soldiers made them- 
selves so objectionable, particularly to foreigners and the local 
gentry, that they were more dreaded even than the Japanese; 
the people as a whole were plunged into greater fear than be- 
fore, and in their terror hundreds went and hid themselves. 
Those of the Americans and English who could not arrange 
to leave, hired Portuguese, whom they armed and kept as 
guards, not only for defence against the Chinese soldiers, but 
abo from the other outlaws. 

A rumour was widely circulated at this time, that the 
Chinese authorities, realizing that they were powerless to 
prevent Formosa and the Pescadores falling into the hands of 
Japan, had attempted to circumvent that Government by tem- 
porarily ceding them to England, but that, when the proposition 
was made to Lord Rosebery's Cabinet, the Prime Minister and 
Lord Kimberley, the Foreign Minister, with their usual sound 
judgment, absolutely refused even to consider it. In diplomatic 
circles this rumour was considered to be well-grounded and 
caused France no iittie anxiety. One day, two French men-of- 
war entered the port of Bako in the Pescadores. The senior 
French officer, having invited the Chinese commandant on 
board, treated him most hospitably and told him that, as 
China could not possibly hope to defend the islands against 
the enormous fleet which Japan was about to send to attack 
them, the best thing for her to do would be to at once cede 
them to France, just for the time. He also said that France 
suggested this out of kindness to China, and if the Pescadores 
were handed over, they would of course be returned to China 

e 



-I 

2 



82 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

soon as ever the present storm had passed over. The Chinese 
commandant submitted these honeyed proposals to the Formo- 
san authorities, but Lu Yung Fu received them with scorn, and. 
remembering well the bitter hostility France had shown towards 
China during the war in Annam, he said such proposals had 
better be answered with artillery fire. This shows that Lu 
Yung Fu and others believed that Formosa was well able to 
defend herself! According to the Chinese official reports, there 
were at this time 140.000 soldiers in North and South For- 
mosa ; but these numbers were much exa^erated, the true 
figures rangmg between 70,000 and 80,000. 

On the 23rd of March the rumours became facts. Colonel 
Hishijima and his men landed at Riseikaku in the Pesca- 
dores. Early the following morning, they, with the help of 
the navy, attacked and captured the Konpehtai Fort, after- 
wards occupying the town of Bako, taking 500 of the garrison 
prisoners and capturing eighteen gun.s, 2,663 rifles, over a mil- 
lion rounds of ammunition, 797 kegs and 3,173 bags of powder, 
1,000 bags of rice, etc., etc. The loss the Japanese sustained in 
battle was quite insignificant, but cholera broke out among the 
troops and carried off over 1,500 men in a few day.s. 

As soon as the people in South China heard what had oc- 
curred in the Pescadores, they concluded that the Japanese 
troops would at once occupy Formosa, and, using that island 
as a base, would proceed to attack the southern provinces of 
China. The Formosan authorities employed two steamers, the 
Martha and the Arthur, to convey to the island arms, money 
and provisions, at the same time doing all in their power to en- 
courage the rank and file and enable them to repulse whatever 
attacks the Japanese might make. 

Now the belief had been prevalent for hundreds of years 
that the Pescadores were the key to Formosa, and if the Pesca- 
dores fell, Formosa must also fall. Accordingly, when Gover- 
nor Tang Ching-sung heard that the Pescadores had already 
been occupied, he immediately jumped to the conclusion that 
Formosa could not be retained, and sent his family off at once 
to Canton together with numerous loads of luggage, which he 
pretended were their private effects. As the soldiers were 
carrying these through the streets, they were stopped by 
others, who examined the luggage under the impression that 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 83 

the Governor himself was about to desert them and flee. This 
resulted in a fight between the baggage carriers and the interfer- 
ing soldiers, in which forty persons were killed or wounded. Up 
to this time, Tang had been priding himself on having collected so 
many soldiers. Now he saw, that in arming such a lar^e number 
of worthless and undisciplined men, he had really acted like the 
man in the Chinese apoli^ue, who, for a ride, climbed upon the 
back of a tiger. During the last days of April, therefore, he 
called a meeting of the consuls, and informed them that, having 
lo3t all control over his soldiers and others, he was quite un- 
able to protect either the lives or the property of the foreigners 
in the island. From this time, both Taihoku and Kelung were 
thrown into a state of complete anarchy by these lawless and 
unrestrained men, who, throwing off ail restraint, plundered 
and robbed by day as well as by night. 

When the report came that on r8th April, by the Shimono- 
seki Peace Treaty, Formosa had been ceded to Japan, the 
military men became quite indignant. Actuated some by pat- 
riotism, some by selfish motives, they all united in declaring 
that the island should never become a Japanese possession, and 
decided to organise a Republic, making Formosa an indepen- 
dent State under the suzerainty of China. Tang Ching-sung, 
the present Governor, should be President with many officials 
under him. There was also to be a Parliament, each member 
of which was to receive a salary of one dollar per day. That 
this plan was almost certainly originated either in Peking or 
Tientsin is clear from the fact, that, a few days before the new 
Republic was organised, Tcheng Ki-tong suddenly arrived in 
Formosa. He had been the military attach^ at the Chinese 
Lection in Paris, but had been recalled for embezzling public 
funds and communicating State secrets to the press. Before 
his departure from China, he had had repeated interviews with 
high officials in Peking and Tientsin, and immediately on his 
arrival was appointed to the responsible position of Minister 
of Foreign Affairs, and became the heart and soul of the new 
Republic. 

On the 23rd of May a manifesto in true Parisian style, an- 
nouncing that the new Government had been organised, was 
issued and circulated over the whole island. Telegrams were 
also sent to the European and American powers as well as to 
6* 



84 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

the Governors in every district in China. The new authorities 
believed that the Republic would, if it could hold out for six 
months or a year, secure due rec<^nttion from the powers. The 
greatest dependence was placed on France, and telegrams 
passed very frequently between Tcheng Ki-tong and certain 
Frenchmen, One day a small cruiser, the Beautemps BeaupH, 
put in an appearance, the officers landed and had an interview 
with the President. This led him to fully believe that the whole 
French fleet would shortly come to support him. Indeed it 
looked as though Tcheng Ki-tong had not been altogether de- 
ceiving the people. 

The new Government adopted a national flag with a yellow 
tiger on a blue background somewliat like the Chinese dragon 
flag. A large silver State seal was also made and exhibited to 
the people. Paper money and postage stamps were also issued 
according to the regular way in such cases. Having raised 
forced contributions from the wealthier classes, the author- 
ities gave banquets to the people to celebrate the felicitous 
occasion. Thus many forgot the impending danger, and gave 
themselves up to make the most of the present moments. But 
these wild dreams were rudely interrupted by the news that 
five Japanese warships had already reached Kelung. 

When the Shimonoseki Treaty was concluded, the Imperial 
Guards, who were then in the Liaotung Peninsula near Kinchow, 
had not yet had any opportunity of distinguishing themselves. 
So the duty of capturing Formosa was naturally entrusted to 
them. Part of the Imperial Guards left Port Arthur on 22nd 
May, on board sixteen transports which on the 26th assembled 
at Chujo island, one of the Loochoos. The following day, the 
27th, Govern or -General Kabayama arrived from Tokyo. Feel- 
ing that in view of the conditions prevailing in Formosa not a 
day was to be lost, he ordered all the ships to sail at noon. At 
ten o'clock on the evening of the 2gth, when about five miles 
south of Agtncourt Island, the expedition met the Yokohama 
Maru, and learned that Tamsui was full of armed soldiers ready 
to oppose their landing. Thereupon the whole navy, led by 
the Matsiishima, headed for a landing near Point Sanshokiaku. 
Sixty men landed first, being divided into four detachments, 
two to guard the landing-place, and two to search for any of 
the enemy who might be lurking near. Before sunset, the 



:he in- J 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 



8S 



fantry and sappers had all landed ; the next day the cavalry 
and artillery reached the shore, and the work was completed. 
Marching by mountain roads which were well-n^h impassable 
for carts and horses, the troops made their way towards 
Kelung, capturing Zuiho on the ist of June. This town was 
held by 500 soldiers, led by Genera! Ching, the commander of 
the Kelung division. These were routed by a single charge, 
and General Ching himself received a bullet as he was being 
carried to the rear in a sedan chair. As the Chinese soldiers 
who escaped spread the report from mouth to mouth that they 
had found the Japanese soldiers much stronger and braver than 
they had expected, Kelung and Taihoku were thrown into such 
a panic that discipline could not be maintained. 

Early on the morning of the 3rd, our advance guards began 
attacking Kelung from the back, and, by nightfall, our army 
had siKceeded in silencing all the forts and clearing the barracks. 
At this time our forces numbered 1 2,OCX3 ; but, owing to the 
difficulties of transport over the mountain roads, none of our 
guns could be brought into use. On the other hand, the enemy 
consisted of twelve battalions each of 4.800 men, and they were 
incited to do their utmost by the promise of 30,000 taels if they 
succeeded In driving us off. By this and their own strong anti- 
foreign feelings, their martial spirits were raised to the utmost 
degree, and their artillery and infantry opposed us stubbornly. 
Yet in this battle we only had two men killed and twenty-six 
wounded ! 

While this fight was taking place on the land, the meeting 
for the final transfer of the island was taking place on the sea 
between the Japanese and Chinese plenipotentiaries who had 
been appointed for that purpose. The Chinese plenipotentiary, 
Li Ching-fang, had informed the Japanese plenipotentiary, 
Govern or- General Kabayama, that, though he wished to land 
and hand over the fortifications and other property in proper 
style, the island was in such terrible commotion that, if he at- 
tempted such a thing and managed to reach the shore, the 
rebels would certainly leave off attacking the Japanese troops 
and come and kill him first, He therefore requested permission 
to perform the ceremony on the sea, Afler granting this re- 
quest, Governor-General Kabayama asked for a list of the pro- 
perties which were to be transferred. To this the Chinese 



86 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

plenipotentiary replied, " I do not know the particulars. You 
know them far better than I do, so please make the list your- 
self," In accordance with this request, General Kabayama pre- 
pared a list. When Li saw it, he smiled and said, " I cannot 
say anything now about the cable to Amoy, as I do not know 
whether it belongs to China or to a private company. We 
must therefore settle that some other time. China has already 
given you the whole of Formosa. How can you suppose that 
she will have any objection to your taking the cable too?" 
The ceremony of transferring the sovereignty over Formosa 
was completed by half-past twelve o'clock on the 3rd of June, 
and thus the island, which China had torn from Koxinga's 
descendants by intrigue, bribery and brute force, passed again 
into the hands of the Japanese, in whose veins flows the same 
blood as filled those of Koxinga. 

While this memorable occurrence was taking place on the 
sea, the interior of the city of Taihoku had been transformed 
into a perfect inferno. The President of the Republic, sur- 
rounded as he was by rude scamps and rc^es, found himself 
unable to maintain the least discipline among his troops. The 
capital was given over to murder and rapine, and the most 
terrible crimes were unblushingly committed in broad daylight. 
Soldiers, clad in filthy uniforms, hawked about the streets 
stolen property consisting of solid copper or silver ware or 
precious stones worth thousands of dollars which they sold for 
three or four dollars. Krupp guns in perfect condition were 
sold for two or three dollars apiece. Ladies' jewelled necklaces 
could be bought for the same price. The thought of the deeds 
of cruelty by which this booty had been obtained made one 
shudder. Many of these brutes revelled in carnage just like 
wild beasts which have once tasted blood delight to feast on 
human flesh. Out of pure devilry, they set fire to the 
powder m^azine and to the other places in the city where 
powder was stored, and took great delight in watching them 
blow up. 

Feeling that their personal safety was endangered, the 
President and subordinate officials all took flight before the 
nth so secretly that even Tcheng, the Foreign Minister, and 
the officials belonging to his department, did not know where 
the others had gone. The troops of the Republic, unable to 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 



87 



find their head, concluded that he had fled. As soon as they 
found themselves without a leader, they turned robbers, and 
going in bands to the houses of wealthy merchants and 
foreigners, they plundered whom they would. 

Under the impression that there were at least 2O,O00 
soldiers defending the city, the Japanese troops at Kelung who 
knew nothing of these occurrences, only advanced with the 
utmost caution. Under these circumstances, the foreign resi- 
dents of Taihoku selected Mr. Ohly, a German merchant, Mr. 
Thomson, an English merchant, and Mr. Davidson, the corre- 
spondent of the New York Herald, now consul at Antung, to 
go to Kelung to inform the Japanese troops of the situation 
and ask Ihem to come quickly and restore order in the city. 
When these messengers had gone as far as Suihenkiaku, they 
met 500 Japanese soldiers and be^ed them to push on, leaving 
the transport column behind as the chief merchants of Taihoku 
would be only too glad to supply them with provisions. Ac- 
cordingly the Kojima regiment hurried on with Staff Officer 
Akashi, and entered the city at daylight the following morning, 
7th June, By dawn on the 8th, they had driven out the last 
remains of the enemy and captured the whole city. Tamsui 
was occupied on the gth. The Chinese as well as the foreign 
residents welcomed the Japanese army with the sincerest 
joy, and white flags and Japanese flags waved from every 
house. 

1 believe the Republican army was only in existence from 
33rd May to nth June, less than three weeks, but in this short 
time they committed all imaginable crimes. Those who sur- 
rendered were disarmed and sent to Fokien. 

Taihoku and the neighbourhood pacified, our army began 
on the nth the advance south, defeating the insurgents on 
the way, and capturing Shinchiku on the 22nd. Turning back 
to Anpingchin on the 2Sth, we attacked and defeated Hwan 
Yang-shun and Ho Gya-yu, who were di.sturbing our lines of 
communication and interfering with our supplies. But hence- 
forth our army could not achieve such brilliant success as at 
Kelung and Taihoku. It is true we always succeeded in the 
end, but we had many difficulties to overcome. There were 
four chief reasons for this, viz. : — 

I. Our opponents were not regular soldiers, but men 



h 



88 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

thoroughly familiar with the country. When driven from one 
position, they ran off into the hills, to appear again at the head 
of the next wooded valley. Thus our troops wearied them- 
selves out to no purpose. 

2. Wc often found it quite impossible to tell who were 
soldiers and who not. Not infrequently, the country people 
who were working in their fields would turn out to be soldiers 
in disguise, and would at once attack any stra^lers they 
saw. 

3. The Chinese are adepts at this kind of guerilla warfare, 

4. Our men were not well acquainted with the local geo- 
graphy. For instance, on 12th July, when Major-General 
Yamane advanced to attack the Chinese under Ho Gya-yu at 
Ryutanha, Major Bojo who went towards Daikokan, fell with 
three companies of foot soldiers and a small band of sappers 
Into a strong ambush, from which they could by no means 
escape. At last four men decided to disguise themselves 
as Chinese and go for help. They reached Major-General 
Yamane's main body on the 16th. Relief was at once des- 
patched, but when rescued the Bojo company were in a sad 
plight. They had practically no ammunition left. Their pro- 
visions were exhausted, and the only supplies they had been 
able to obtain consisted of a littie rice. Whenever our troops 
were defeated, the inhabitants of the surrounding villages in- 
stantly became our enemies, every one, even the young women, 
arming themselves and joining the ranks with shouts of defiance. 
Our opponents were very stubborn and not at all afraid of 
death. They took cover in the houses of the villages, and 
when one house was destroyed by shell fire, they calmly moved 
on into the next, always seizing the very first opportunity of 
again advancing. This was true not only of Daikoku, but also 
of the whole Shinchiku neighbourhood, which is noted for the 
stubbornness and ferocity of its inhabitants. That is why it 
took our troops nearly two months to pacify them. Not only 
had our army to fight against fierce bodily enemies, but it also 
had to struggle against filthy water, malaria and dysentery. 
Our men were wearing in this hot climate the winter uniforms 
which they had woni at Port Arthur, were marching over 
twelve miles a day, and occasionally following up the enemy for 
twenty miles or so. 



d 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 



89 



On 1 3th August, we attacked Bioritsu. Aflcr capture^ i^ 1 
Ob. scoots were a long tnoe before the>- again came into touch I 
with the enemy. At last, on the 34th. they were dtsoovend J 
at Koroton. On the 25th, they were dri\-cn out of TokkscU 1 
The fcdlowii^ day, before entering Shoka, we attacked umI | 
sOenced the Hakkctzan forL This was the greatest bnttle the 
Inqienai guards had foi^t since landing in Fonnosa. The 
fort was built in a position very difficult to attack and was 
defended by 5,000 soldiers, many of ihem belonging to the 
Black Flag Regiment, renowned for its braver>' and strength. 
But our army found the task less troublesome than the guerilla 
war&re they had met with in the \-illages. On the 2Stb, we 
captured Shoka, and on 2nd September, Tarimu and Unrin ; 
and on 5rd October, having taken Kagi, we commenced to 
bring pressure to bear on Tainan. 

Reinforcements consisting of the Second Division and part 
of the Fourth Division arrived at the Pescadores on lOth 
October with fifty warships. A part of ihis force, led by His 
Imperial Highness Prince Fushiml, landed at Hoteishi, twenty- 
eight miles north of Tainan ; and part, led by Lieutcnant- 
General Nogi, landed at Borio, twenty-five miles south of 
Takow. The Imperial Guanis. being already In the island, 
were to approach Tainan by the direct road, the whole armjr ' 
being placed under the command of Lieutenant -Genera I Vis- 
count Takashima. the newly appointed Lieutenant-Governor 
of Formosa. 

Thus Tainan was about to be attacked from three different 
directions, and as the defeated soldiers brought the news of 
their repulses into the city, the hearts of the residents were 
much agitated, and many of them left everything and fled for 
their lives. Even the fighting men in the city began to under- 
stand how impossible It was for them to offer any successftil 
resistance to our men. So on loth October, General Lu sent 
a message by H.M.S. Pique to the Pescadores, proposing to 
capitulate on the following conditions : — 

1. No Formosans to be punished for the resistance they had 
offered. 

2. All Chinese .soldiers to be hospitably treated and sent 
to Canton or Amoy. 

On the way, H.M.S. Pique sighted Lieutenant-Governor 



90 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

Takashtma'fi ship ; but, being unable to communicate with it, 
went on to the Pescadores. On receipt of the message, the 
Japanese Admiral replied that the fleet would be off Anping 
on the I2th, and would then discuss the matter with General 
Lu himself or with his accredited commissioner. 

On the 1 2th, according to promise, the Hagship Yoshino 
arrived off Anping, but Lu was distrustful and would not go 
on board. Instead of doing so, he sent another proposal of 
surrender to the Commander-in-Chief of the imperial Guards 
throi^h a certain English gentleman. On the 13th, the 
Yoskino, Nanima, Akitsushitna, Hiei, Yaeyama, Saien, etc.. 
attacked the Takow forts and silenced them. Then a detach- 
ment landed and occupied the town, and Lieutenant-Governor 
Takashima informed Lu that he must surrender uncondition- 
ally or take the consequences. 

On this, General Lu, conceiving that he could do nothing 
else, took about a hundred officers and, under the pretence of 
going to inspect the Anping fort, left the city and, disguising 
himself as a coolie, went on board the ss. Tkales to escape 
to Amoy. Hearing this, the Yaeyama started in pursuit, 
sighted the Tliales fifty miles from Amoy, stopped her and 
examined the passengers. Our officers found seven Chinese 
labourers who appeared suspicious characters and wished to 
arrest them. The captain of the Tltales, however, protested 
so strongly that they were released. Afterwards it was dis- 
covered that one of these seven was really Lu himself. 

After General Lu's flight, the remains of his party wandered 
about the city not knowing what to do, till the foreigners, 
afraid that they would begin plundering, managed to persuade 
them to lay down their arms. This operation took the whole 
of one day, between 7,000 and 8,0O0 rifles being eventually 
placed in secure custody. Then two English missionaries, 
Messrs. Fergusson and Barclay, went to the Japanese head- 
quarters a few miles south of the city, bearing a letter from 
the Chinese residents saying that the soldiers had all laid 
down their arms and disappeared, and asking the Japanese to 
come quickly and enforce order. General Ncgi entered the 
city on 21st October and the rest of the array soon followed. 
Thus Formosa came into our possession in reality as well as 
in name. 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 



9< 



Oar kisses in the whole campa^ were as under, rtr. 



Died m Fonoa or 
to Jspm Cor 



t 
in F( 



) 



Woandfed (not fittalhr. 






5*5 



UnhappQy His Impeiial Highness Prince Kitishirmkmm^ 
s n mmrfrd to an attack of malarial fever. He was a great 
loss, not only to the army but also to die whole nation. 

The Chmese losses are impossible to ascertain, but it is 
said that no less than 7,000 dead were actually fiDund on the 
field. 




CHAPTER in. {CmHnned). 
FORMOSA IN THE PAST, 

Section VII. — The Campaign against the Brigands. 

Brigand risingB — Critical situation — Fighting the only work done by the civil 
officials — Various outburats with difficulty suppressed — Plans of campaign 
— People's attitude lowatda the brigands—Their teurts — Japanese cbsAge 
of policy — The brigands invited to surrender — Clemency and justice — 
Unrest in tbe centre and south — Strong measures — Brief summary. 

As soon as our victorious armies, advancing from the north 
and south, had succeeded in occupying the city of Tainan on 
iSth Novemljer, 1895, the Governor-General, Count Kabayama, 
reported to headquarters that the island was pacified. But 
while all were congratulating themselves, and feeling as 
though a heavy burden had been rolled from their shoulders, 
indeed, even before the ink was dry on the full reports of the 
expedition, the Hakkas, near Toko in the south, armed them- 
selves with long poles, and rose in insurrection. The Hakkas 
and the Pepohoans inhabit a long belt of the plain in the 
extreme south, and live in a continual state of warfare with 
each other. The rising was all the more serious, since Lu, to 
enlist the help of these tribes, had armed all volunteers with 
modem weapons. From the latter part of November, they 
began a series of attacks on our officials, which continued until 
Major- General Yamaguchi shot five or six hundred of them, 
and forced the rest to submit. 

This was but the beginning of troubles which lasted on and 
off for several years. These people are called brigands because, 
though they desired to overthrow the Government, the main 
object of their risings was robbery and plunder. 

When the Hakka rising was nearly over, a brigand band, 
led by Lin Ta-peh and Lin Li-chung, besieged Giran on 30th 
December, 1895. Two days later, a band under Cheng Tseu- 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 93 

giu of Tai'hoku, and Ho A-gen and others of Shinchiku, attacked 
a number of places in the Taihoku and Giran districts, throw- 
ing a large portion of the northern part of the island into a 
state of rebellion. The small number of troops in the district 
at the time, made it necessary for the police and civil officials 
to assist them in maintaining their position until relief Cctm& 
This critical state of alTairs continued until the Seventh Mixed 
Brigade and the reliefs of the Second Division arrived from 
Japan, when the insurgents were soon overcome, several 
thousands being killed and the remainder dispersed. 

At this time, the whole administration was in the hands of 
military officers, hence the name "The Period of Military Ad- 
ministration". Civil administration was introduced in April, 
1896, but the change was only nominal, as the officials were 
obliged to devote all their energies to putting down the frequent 
disturbances in different parts, leaving little or no time for the 
execution of their proper duties. 

The most serious of the risings which occurred are alone 
worth recounting. When the Republic had been overthrown, 
Liu Tek-chok, the Chinese commander at Taito, disappeared; 
but news was afterwards broi^ht that he had gathered a 
number of the natives together, been made their leader, and 
withdrawn into the backwoods. On i8th May, Mr. Sagara, 
the District Governor of Koshun, set out by way of Hinan 
with Fan Wen-hiu, a civilised savage, and others to attack 
Taito. Overcoming all opposition as they advanced, they 
reached Karenko in the latter part of June. Tek-chok was 
defeated and hid himself in the Toroku mountains ; and being 
eventually captured in January, 1 899, he was deported to 
China. 

On the 30th of June, 1896, Kien-i, the brigand chief of 
Taiheiko in Toroku, attacked the town with a strong force, 
and Mr. Sato, the commander of the Japanese garrison, de- 
serted his post and fled. The towns and villages of Rinkiho, 
Nanto, Hokuto, Tarimu, Rokko, Inrin, Rattoko and Daihorin 
all were occupied by the brigands. They also threatened 
Shoka, while at Taichu the authorities felt so insecure that 
they proclaimed a state of siege. On Iith July, the brigands 
captured Horisha, all the centre of the island thus falling into 
their hands. At last Lieutenant-Colonel Takahashi, who was 



94 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

then at Taichu in command of the Second Brigade, went out 
and attacked the brigand forces at Nanto, Toroku and Shoka, 
but it took him ten days to restore order. Mr, K. Funisho, 
the Chief of the Home Government in the Civil Administration 
Bureau, sent a message to the brigand chief, Kien-i, offering 
him generous terms if he would surrender. He accepted, and 
was employed by the District Provincial Government until his 
death in 1898. 

On 30th October, 1896, a band of 360 brigands at Taihoku, 
led by Lin Ta-peh and other chiefs, laid down their arms. 

On 19th November, Chung Ki-sung and other chiefs at- 
tacked the town of Hozan, but were repulsed by the garrison. 

On 37th December, the Second Brigade attacked Taiheicho, 
where the brigand Kwa Tia, one of Kien-i's colleagues, had 
fortified himself 

On loCh January, 1S97, the brigands again attacked Hozan, 
but were driven off. 

On 8th May, Cheng Tseu^iu and others, over 600 strong, 
attacked Taihoku, and began to plunder the Chinese quarter, 
but they were finally driven off by the garrison, leaving 205 of 
their number dead, including Chang Cheng, their leader. 

As fast as one rising was quelled, another broke out to the 
great embarrassment of the authorities. One reason for this 
was, that at that time no definite plan having been adopted, 
each garrison and local police office followed its own special 
methods of restoring order. Their energies were therefore 
often misdirected, and the brigands had many opportunities of 
making their attacks. 

So it continued until the latter part of 1897, when Lieu- 
tenant-General Nogi became Governor-General Regulations 
were then drawn up clearly defining the different spheres of 
work for the troops and the police. The former were em- 
ployed to put down insurrections in mountainous or hilly 
districts, while those that occurred in the cities, towns and 
plains were to be dealt with by the police. In the districts 
unprovided for, either soldiers or police might be employed 
according to the requirements of each case. This period was 
called "The Age of the Triple Guard," and the authorities 
were confident that they would by this means be able to sub- 
due at once all the risings that might occur anywhere in the 



FORMOSA l\ THE PAST 

i eiind. Tbese regolatioas, however, did little b e yoadj 
^ tbe peac ef ul cl asses of the peof^ with socaethine fi 
e aotfaority of the Gm^emmenL As of old. tbe alann befla ^ 
still somded m many places. 

Now it b clear that the brigands of this period were not 
really hostile to tbe Go^-cmmcnt, as tbe Blade Flag ChicC Lu 
Yung Fu. bad been, neither were they mere robbers. Tbe>* 
were rather a kind of political parasite, and bore a certain 
resemblance to tbe armed outlaws so often referred to in the 
Chinese historj'. Tbcy remembered how, in past times. Choc 
Yibknei, who was just such a man as they were, bad made 
himself king, issuti^ ordinances, and collecting taxes both in 
money and in kind. They were moreover no doubt influenced 
by tbe aati-Japanese spirit to be found in so tnany Chinese 
The common people regarded them as a sort of embryo 
Government who by a sudden turn of fortune's wheel might 
receive the reins of power, and to whom, as well as to the 
regular Government, they were forced to pay dues. The 
people without doubt hated their violence and cruelty, but they 
could not help at the same time admiring their bravery in 
the lace of tbe Japanese. .Again, they were well aware, that 
the brigands were more intimately acquainted with alt their 
pri\'ate affairs than the Government authorities, and that, 
while the latter couU be easily deceived, the brigands were sure 
and quite pitiless in their revenge. On this account, the 
brigands inspired more fear than the Government, with the 
result that every one refused to giv'e tbe officials any informa- 
tion as to tbe whereabouts of the br^ands, keeping silence as 
the members of a secret society would do under similar 
circumstances. 

Giran was the northern headquarters of the brigands. 
Their leaders were Lin Ta-peh, Lin Li-chung and Lin Ho- 
wan. This band was the bravest and fiercest of all, setting 
an example to the Cheng Tseu-^u, Chang Cheng and other 
bands. In tbe middle part of the island, Unrin, now called 
Toroku, was tbe headquarters of a band under the leadership 
of a chief named Kien-i. This chief was the author of the 
attack on the Toroku garrison, and his conduct of the opera- 
tions shows his ability as a leader, and his military skill. Such 
men as Kwa Tia. Hwan Mao-suan, Chang Li-chi and Lai Fu- 



96 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

lai, who gave our soldiers so much trouble, acknowledged 
him as their leader. 

In the south, Hozan was the headquarters. A native of 
Ako, named Chung Ki-sung, going round through Ako and 
Hozan, fired the hearts of the people and brought many fol- 
lowers to Lin Tien-fu, Lin Shao-miao, Cheng Yu-chung and 
Oo Wan-hien, but their power was very limited and they 
never were able to offer serious resistance. 

In fighting against these brigands, the difficulty was not to 
overcome them, but to find them. They hid themselves among 
the people, and, though everybody in the place knew all about 
their movements, not a soul would give the officials any infor- 
mation. It was perfectly safe for their chiefs to walk past any 
of our police stations in broad daylight as nobody thought of 
informing against them. Sometimes our men would lodge at 
the village chiefs house and would talk freely of all their plans 
for attacking the brigands, to find afterwards that their host 
himself was a brigand. At other times the brigands would be 
disguised as coolies and would come and carry our luggi^e and 
provisions. 

Owing to the difficulty of distinguishing them, it often 
happened that common people were mistaken for brigands by 
our troops; sometimes a peaceful village was attacked by 
surprise in the belief that it harboured bandits, and some of 
the peaceful villagers were killed. This exasperated the sur- 
vivors so much that they all turned brigands. It became evident 
that to suppress brigandage, it was necessary first to ascertain 
exactly the strength and headquarters of the different bands, 
and, as far as possible, the names and addresses of those who 
composed them, so that they might be distinguished from 
ordinary people. 

In April, 1898, when Genera! Nogi left and Viscount Ko- 
dama succeeded him as Governor, and Baron Goto succeeded 
Mr. Sone asChief of the Civil Administration Bureau, the des- 
potic system which had been in force was done away with, a 
democratic system being adopted instead. The Triple Guards 
were also discontinued and the old Chinese village guard system 
was restored, under which the people themselves were the 
rural police and were made responsible for the preservation 
of peace and order. The brigands were also invited to come 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 



^ 



97 



in and surrender. Many of them came one after the other out 
of their strongholds, and expressed their desire to change their 
mode of life. 

On 28th July. Baron Goto went himself to Giran and there 
received the submission of over 700 brigands, including Lin 
Ho-wan, Lin Shao-hwa and Lin Shao-tsuen. On loth Au- 
gust, Mr, Murakami, the Governor of Taihoku, received at 
Heirinbi the submission of Cheng Tseu-giu and others ; and 
on the 33rd of the same month, over 900 others, including Lo 
Ah-yeh, all members of the Suihinkyaku band, went to the 
Government office and swore allegiance. On 8th September, 
the Shiran band, consisting of Gyan Dah-suh and 500 of his 
followers, took the oath. 

On the other hand, the Taiping Branch Office was attacked 
on 2t5t September, and on the ajth of the same month the 
Sankakuyti Court House. In December of the following year 
our Third Br^ade swept the brigands away, killing Gao Ki, 
Cheng Kai and Lo Shi-tiao. The same month the Choshuso 
Government Office was attacked by Lin Tien-fu, Lin Shao- 
miao and 3,000 of their followers, and Mr. Seto. the head of 
the office, was killed. But in general the Emperor's gracious 
offer greatly pacified the hearts of the brigands. In March, 
1899, Kwa Tia, who had for a long time exercised a great 
influence near Taiheicho, came in and surrendered. On 8th 
April. Yuen Tsang and others in the Ensuiko neighbourhood 
surrendered, and on 1 2th Noveraber.Lin Shao-miao and others, 
The authorities treated them very generously, granting their re- 
quests wherever it was at all possible to do so. Care was also 
taken that they should have the means of making an honest 
living. At first sight, this does not seem well calculated to 
impress them with the authority of the Japanese Government. 
For this reason many who considered themselves well ac- 
quainted with Formosan ways objected, Public opinion in 
Japan was strongly opposed to the course we had adopted, 
and all the military men said it would not answer. But the 
Governor-General remained unmoved by these criticisms. 

The brigands were quietened for a time by the generosity 
shown them. The authorities took their names and addresses, 
so that inquiries might be made as to their means of livelihood 
and also as to their true position. In this way they were 






JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

cnublcci to discriminate between the brigands and the other 
inhabitants and also learned their relative strength, and thus 
one of our objects in inviting them to surrender was attained. 
If now they gave f\irther trouble, it was easy to punish them ; 
but if they truly became peaceable citizens, our authorities 
would do what they could to assist them. 

Mont of the brigands, however, misinterpreted our action 
and attributed it to fear. They also thought that in inviting 
them to surrender, we had merely wished to purchase for our 
ofTiciaU immunity from their attacks, and would still allow them 
to carry on their depredations as the Chinese Government 
had done in the past. They had so long been above the law 
that they could not believe the authorities were serious in their 
determination to put an end to brigandage once for all. Those 
who H wore allegiance continued to rob and murder just as be- 
fore, in total ignorance that the Government net already enclosed 
them. 

In March, t9C», Lin Ho-wan broke his oath, and being 
ted at Giran was tried and sentenced to death. Before 
it, Gyan Dah-suh had fled to Southern China, but he was 
arretted there and brought back to Taihoku, where he was 
executed. Since that time the remaining brigand fires of 
robbery and violence have been gradually extinguished, and the 
neighbourhood of Taihoku has come to enjoy peace. 

Though the northern portions of the island were well on 
the way to pacification, in the centre and south things still 
remained unchanged. There were apparently two reasons for 
thia:— 

1. The Governor-General's Office had been so much ab- 
sorbed with pacifying the northern districts, as to somewhat 
ignore the central and southern portions. 

2. The proclamations which the authorities in Tainan and 
Taichu issued inviting the brigands to surrender were lacking 
in definiteness, hence the brigands in those districts failed 
to clearly understand the will of the authorities. 

In May, 19OO. Major-General Yamanaka, the head of the 
Second Division, worked for twenty-five days in overcoming 
the remnants of Kwa Tia's band. In February, 1901, the 
Toran brigands, led by Chang A-lui and others, attacked the 
city of Taichu in force; and on 23rd November those led by 



M 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST 



99 



L 



Hwan Miao-sung and others attacked the Bokusbikiaku Branch 
Office, in defending which Mr. Shozaki, the head, was killed. 

About this time the authorities did away with the old 
arrangement by which the island was divided into three pre- 
fectures, and, instead, divided it into twenty Cho under the 
direct control of the Governor-General, thus greatly facilitatii^ 
the work of administration. At the same time the plan of 
inviting the brigands to surrender was abandoned, and it was 
decided to put them down by force. 

On 1st December, general searches were made all round 
Kagi, Ensuiko, Tainan, Hozan, Ako and Banshorlo. These 
were all effected on the same day by the police with the assist- 
ance of the troops and gendarmes. Mr. Oshima, the Inspector- 
Genera! of the Police Department, went to Tainan himself, 
going round through each Cho, adopting such measures as were 
most suitable to the occasion, and encour^ng ail his subordin- 
ates to do their utmost to put an end, once for all, to the brigand 
outrages. The village native guards, who, for fear of the 
brigands, had hitherto been half-hearted and therefore of but 
little use, now did their utmost to hunt them down. These 
measures were most successful. On lOth December, the troops 
in co-operation with the police destroyed the brigand fort on 
Horozan, and forty outlaws, including Hwan Mao-sung, were 
killed. Within a few weeks, three more chiefs were disposed 
of by the police and village guards. During these five months 
3,000 brigands were killed. This was all the more satisfactory 
in that owing to the precaution taken of registering the names 
of the bandits, law-abiding people were not molested. Oor 
uniform success increased the people's respect for the authorities 
and their confidence in the justice of our rule, good citizens 
were able to dwell in security, and all questionable characters 
understood what they had to expect if they did not amend 
their ways. No alarm bells were now to be heard. 

Some brigands were still left in the Unrin and Hozan 
districts, and also a band at Ako led by Lin Shao-miao and 
others. The Unrin brigand chiefs Kwa Tia and Hwan Sai had 
died in 1900, and after that date the Unrin band was led by Leu 
Long and Cheng Ti and the four brothers of Lai Fu-lai and 
Chang Li-chi. But hearing that six Cho offices were about to 
make a united effort to put down brigands^, they were filled 

T 



lOO JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

with despair, and when the Toroku Cho authorities gave them 
an opportunity to submit, Chang Da-yu and others, over 360 
in all, expressed their desire to surrender. On 25th May, 
1902, a meeting was held for the purpose of accepting their 
allegiance; but, though they presented themselves, they all 
proved so unmanageable that they were all killed in the hall 
where the ceremony was to have been held. 

Our soldiers then attacked their mountain resorts and by 
the end of August had cleared almost the whole. Lin Shao- 
miao had two strongholds, the one in midstream in the lower 
reaches of the Tamsui River in the south, the other at Kohet- 
kirin to the south of Hozan. Trusting to the fact that he 
had already acknowledged our authority, he collected other 
worthless fellows and continued to act as badly as ever. He 
had been overlooked by the authorities a few months before at 
the time of the great sweeping movement But after order was 
restored he could not brook the restraint and became trouble- 
some. On 30th May, Mr. Oshima, the Inspector- General, at 
the head of the Hozan and Ako Police, with the assistance of 
part of the Third Brigade, attacked his two strongholds, and 
killed him, together with Oo Wan-hien and Lin Tien-fa 

Thus were rooted out the brigands who had been the pl^ue 
of Formosa ever since its first mention in history. From 1897 
to I90I, 8,030 brigands had been arrested and 3,473 killed. 
While the brigands were in power each postman was usually 
guarded by five or six policemen, but even then they were not 
always safe. No Government official or rich man could travel 
any distance without police protection. Within three or four 
miles of the capital travellers had to defend their lives with 
swords and pistols. Early in the spring of 1 898, the officials 
in the Civil Administration Bureau heard shots fired by brigands. 
From 1897 to 1901 there were 8.903 brigand outrages, in which 
2,459 people were killed or wounded, while 4,653 were carried 
away and held for ransom. The property lost amounted to 
Yen 1,029,723. These are only the cases which were made 
public, but the total losses must have been more than double 
this amount. From this we can easily understand how it was 
that the natives feared them more than the fiercest tiger. But 
now there are no more cases of brigandage. Those brigands 
who submitted to our authorities are ail registered and are 



FORMOSA IN THE PAST loi 

under the strictest police surveiUance. If they met improperly 
in any way« they ate summarily beheaded. They know this^ 
and so do not moN'e. In 1902, 50^000 muskets aad lOO^ooo 
rounds of ammunition which were found in their possession 
were confiscated, so now they have no offensive weapons. The 
law-abiding natives can pursue their avocations confident in the 
ability of the police to protect them, and they now rejoice to 
obey our laws : peace prevails everjnvheie, and refinement and 
progress are evident over the whole island. Comparing this 
with the period of Chinese occupation, when twenty-t^x) serious 
insurrections occurred, or with the military period a few ^'ears 
ago, when the br^ands could do very much as they liked and 
rulsd as masters, we see a marvellous improvement, and may 
well be astonished at the success which has been achieved. 



CHAPTER IV. 



OeooraphicalFeatures. — Fifst view of Formosa — Gcogiaphical position — 
Distances between various ports — A commeiciat centre — Effect or dis- 
co very on Japanese and Dutch commerce — Time difference — Area — 
Harbours on (he west — The eastern coaal — Mountain ranges — Plains and 

Plamts and Animals.— Classification of plants — Treei — Useful plants — Some 
ftuits — Flowers — Beasts, birds and fiahea, 

Climate. — Effects and defects of the climaie—Table showing the world's rain- 
fall—Formosa's rainfall— Wind. 

Inhabitants. — The Chinese population— An interesting story — Class and 
custom — Savages — J apan ese. 

The China Sea is often extremely rough, and as the voyager 
gazes out over the boundless waste of heaving waters, or lies 
groaning in his cabin in tlie agonies of sea-sickness, he may 
well feel that without the special blessing of heaven, he will 
never reach his desired haven. The huge roaring waves 
which look mountains high, make even the strongest ships 
groan and labour heavily, like a man might do who had to 
crawl along through the underbrush at the bottom of a marshy 
goi^e Indeed, in such a sea, modern ships, skilfully built and 
large as they are, seem little better than cockle-shells and are 
often swept away. To the old navigators who had only sailing 
ships this sea was always a place of terror, and many an old 
mariner mtist have shouted for joy, when at last he had the 
joy of seeing Formosa rise up on the horizon, and could turn 
his vessel's prow towards the shore. No wonder tlien that 
the first Europeans who discovered the island, the Portuguese, 
named it Formosa out of admiration for its beauty. This is 
not the first instance of the name being used by the Southern 
Europeans, There is a village in Portugal bearing the same 




GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES 



103 



OUDC, also one in the Ai^cntine Republic and another on • 
the eastern coast of Brazil Cape Fonaosa b in Benin, and < 
Mount Formosa in Uala>-sia. No dotdx the PortDgoese gave j 
the name because the island reminded tbem in sococ way I 
of socne of Uieir other colonies or of the toam of the sai 
name in their homeland, but the first vo>'agers might wdl ex- 
daim " Ihla Formosa ! Ihla Formosa !" (" Bcautiftil Isle t Beautifti) 
Isle ! "X when they first saw this beauteous island rise up out of 
Ac wear)' waste of waters. 

Formosa has almost the same east lot^tude as the Chusan 
Ardiipelago and the mouth of the Yangtszekiang. and about 1 
the same latitude as Foochow and Amoy. In dear weather ! 
the island of Yonakumi, the most southerly of the Loochoos^ 
is dearly \-tsible. The Pescadores lie to the west between 
Formosa and the mainland, and are separated from the island 
by a strait not more than ninety-one miles wide at the narrowest 
part and nowhere more than 100 fathoms deep. A ship leav- 
ing Formosa on the evening tide finds itself the next morning 
in a port on the mainland of China. 

if the Japanese navy had its headquarters at the Pescadores 1 
and was guarding the strait, the strongest navy in the world I 
could not force a passage. That is why, when Japan occupied 
Formosa and the adjacent islands, she declared that the Ftkr> 
mosan Channel would thereafter be considered as a part of 
the high seas and be therefore free to the ships of every nation. 
This declaration was made in order to remo\'e any apprehen- 
sion on the part of the powers. 

The position of the island is equally good from a com* | 
mercial standpoint. The following list shows the distance in | 
miles betu'een Formosan ports and the principal ones in Japan 
and other Asiatic countries : — 



(PormoiaH and yaftauii forlt ari pritlrd in capilaU.) 

Prsm KeluBf. Fiom TuuuL 1 

Amoy 317 iga 

Chefoo 916 90II 

Diiny Ml 973 

Foochow 144 iij 

Fosan 791 811 

Gensan 10S9 liao 

Hong Kong 466 440 

ROBE 919 9]o 

Manila 1116 logu 



I04 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

{Fonnoian and JapoHtit parti are prmlid in eapilaU.) 

MOJI 744 775 994 

NAGASAKI eag 660 379 

NAHA (LoochoM) . . . . 37B 409 6aS 

Nincbwang 1140 1171 1341 

I*orlA[thiir 989 971 iigo 

Saigon 1534 1508 1438 

Shanghai 436 418 637 

SHIMONOSEKI .... 791 Sm 1041 

Singapore 1906 1880 1800 

TAINAN 335 '94 "5 

TienMin Il6t 1143 1363 

(JJINA 861 892 IIIE 

Vladivostoli 1380 1311 1530 

YOKOHAMA .... 1345 1276 1495 

From the time of the pirates down to the close of the Dutch 
occupation, Formosa was the most important trading centre 
and resort, not only for traders from both sides of the ocean, 
but also for those who lived along the Chinese coasts. If the 
island had not been discovered by the Portuguese at the be- 
ginning of the seventeenth century, the East and the West 
could hardly have been brought into such close commercial 
contact as they are to-day. Suppose, for instance, that we, 
Japanese, had not known of the island's existence, our ancient 
traders could never have found their way as they did to Amoy, 
South China, Luzon, Saigon and Java; nor could Hideyoshi's 
immediate attendants, Ishida and Konisbi, have introduced the 
new progressive ideas, which being handed down, inspired the 
great scholars of the Tokugawa period. The knowledge of 
foreign countries and of the rich harvests to be reaped from 
foreign commerce would have been lacking. We, Japanese, 
would have been left in utter darkness, and the people along 
our coasts would have lived a life of seclusion, and we should 
not have come under the foreign influences which prepared the 
way for the Restoration, Again, if Formosa had remained 
unknown to the Dutch, the Dutch East India Company would 
have had no outlet for their energy, and could have done 
nothing but compete with the Portuguese, and strive to secure 
a port on the Chinese mainland. Moreover, owing to the 
great distance between Batavia and Nagasaki, our trade with 
Holland could hardly have developed as it did. As I sailed 
through the Formosa Channel I thought how this small island, 
Formosa, had been as it were the key to open the lands of 



J 



GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES 



los 



the East to the tendencies and tbonehts wUdt w«fe itlHii n i 

tbe lubons of tbr West 

Tbc coost easterly point of Formon is to 123* 6* 1$' c 
loogitude. Taiboku, the capital te sitnated in >s* 4' nordi j 

latitade and i3i' xS* east kngitOEki. Agtncourt Island n im 
35' 37' 5 j~ ncxtfa latitade; and, as this lies tS' west fraco Tok]ri^ J 
the idand tioM b Stty-faar minutes behind Tokyo timb 

The main idand of Formosa has a CQast4ine extendanf 1 
Dcarfy 70S Biiks ; its area b I iJgS sqnuv miles. The tool | 
Ici^tb of die coast Enes of tbe fourteen adiaccnt islands ts 
sixty-two miles, and their area thirty square miles. The area I 
of the largest of the Pescadores is twcnty-Axir square miksi, 
while its coast ttoe measures sc^'enty-one miles. There are 
stxty-thicc smaller islands in tbc archipelago, wlucb have a 
coast line extending 133 miles altogether, and an area of 
twenty-ibur sqiarc miles, almost exactly the same as that of 
the largest island in tbe group; Thus Formosa and tbc Pesca- 
dores with all their adjacent islands aie altogether almost 
equal to Kiushiu in size. 

Formosa, like Japan, has mountain ranges nmnii^ length- 
wise thnx^ tbe island from north to south, dividing it into 
two haKes, the eastern and the western. In the wtsti 
half tbe land ts mostly lei.'el ; the coast has many ports and \ 
abounds in ba>-s and sandy shores. The port of Tamsui is at I 
the mouth of the river of the same name and can accommodate 
in its harbour steamers of i,300 tons. Camphor and tea are | 
mostly exported from here. Eighty-three miles south from [ 
Tamsui, at the mouth of the Daito River, is another port allied 
Tokatsu or Tokatsukutsu, which is the centre of the traffic by | 
junk with the mainland. Ninety miles farther south brings us I 
to Anping. and twenty-five miles larther on to Takow. 
Though these two ports fill an important place with regard to J 
the trade for the southern districts of the island, they are too 
small to accommodate steamers of any size: On this account, 
vessels anchor outside and run to the Pescadores for refuge 
whenever a storm comes on. As the western shores are pro- 
vided with harbours and sandy co.ists, civilisation entered the 
island from that direction and spread towards the cast, its 
advance marked by well-tilled fields and flourishing populous 
villages. 



io6 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



The castcim coast, on the contrary, is mostly high, bordered 
with precipitous cliffs, with but few level fields and hardly any 
harbours. The only ports in Taito are Pinan and Karenko; 
Riid in Giran, So-o. The latter is fifty miles east of Xelung, 
Karenko fifiy-two miles farther south, and Pinan seventy-five 
miles farther. From Pinan to Daihanroku in Koshun, the 
southernmost point of the main island, it is sixty-one miles, 
and fifly-fivc miles from there to Takow on the west coast. 

The soil of the whole island is generally fertile and gives 
good and abundant harvests ; indeed the paucity of good 
harbours is really the island's main defect 

The great chain of mountains that forms the backbone of 
the island divides into several parallel ranges. The most con- 
uplcuous of these is the Mount Sylvia Range. This range com- 
mences from Point Domu, a few miles to the south of So-o. 
Not very far from the shore it rises into a steep peak several 
thousand feet high called Nankeizan. From here, it runs 
twenty or thirty miles in a westerly direction, verging towards 
the south, and forms Mount Sylvia, which towers to a height of 
13,000 feet, and a few miles farther south, Setsuzan. Here it 
turn-s slightly to the west and then continues direct south, 
forming two lofty ijeaks of Shukoranzan and Pinanshuzan, 
each of which is 12,000 feet high. The range runs on through 
Koshun, terminating at last in South Cape. Another smaller 
range rises from the Kapsulan Plain, runs round the north-west 
of Mount Sylvia, and passing the Taiko and Toseikaku districts 
reaches Horisha, forming on the way the different peaks of 
Kwantozan, Gojozan and Daizan. Then running south it 
gathers itself up and raises the mighty mass of Niitakayama, 
which rears its proud summit 14,000 feet high, and from this 
lofty pinnacle looks down upon all the other mountains and 
s of the island. There are also two or three other peaks 
which join this range, which is called the Niitaka Range, to the 
Sylvia Range. A third range starts from the northern end of 
the Kapsulan Ridge and runs to Hozan, first turning west to 
form Sanshoreizan and Soreizan. Passing through Toseikaku, 
it leaves Horisha on the east and stretches down to the east 
of Kagi. The peaks of this range are mostly below 5,000 feet 
high. It is called the Savage Boundary, as it marks the divi- 
sion between the savage territory and the cultivated plains. 



GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES 



107 



As we ha%'e seen, mountain ranges form the principal 
feature of tbc island, peak after peak ratsmg its head so that 
the land mostly consists of mountains and upland country. 
Plains are very scarce. The princtpal are those of Hooan, 
Tainan, Kagi and Shoka. These four arc called the [dains of 
the western coast. Then there is the Twatutia Valley, where 
Taihoku, the capital, b to be found. Then we have the Giran 
or Kapsulan Plain and the Taito Valley, called also the Karai 
Plain. There are aLso the uplands between the mountain 
ranges, the Shinchiku, Bioritsu and Taichu districts belonging 
to this catcgor}'. If the area be classified according to eleva- 
tion, the following will be the result, vis. : — 



EliniiOB 


nMctm 




A<w >D S«un UDh. 


Below loom. 






About 5.050 


Above 100 tuid bcl(K« 


500 


■.9'o 


S*" 




1,000 


.. ».9fa 


.. 1.000 




1.500 


.. Ijfc 


,. I.S<» 




a.ooo 


*6s 


„ a.ooo 




J.50O 


" IE 


.. ».S«> 




1,000 


,. 3.OO0 






Toul i).7M 



As the island is so extremely mountainous, there are no 
quiet peaceful rivers to be seen in the whole of it. All the 
streams, whether lai^e or small, partake more of the nature of 
mountain torrents, rushing madly towards the sea. 

We have seen that the total area is about 13.795 square 
miles, or nearly 8,704,400 acres. Of this about 5,000 square 
miles consist of lowland suitable for cultivation, the remainder 
being mountain and forest land. These forests contain many 
different kinds of trees which, acconjing to their leaves, may be 
roi^hly divided into two classes, needle trees and broad leaf 
trees. Those with needle-shaped leaves are represented by 
Abies, Araucaria, Chamaecyparis, Cryptomeria, Red Cedar, 
Spindle Tree, Spruces, etc Among the broad leaf trees may 
be noticed the Banana, Black Ebony, Camphor Tree, Oak, 
Maple, Palm, Paper Mulberry, Persimmon, Pineapple, Soap 
Tree, Sterculia Fibre Plant, Tallow Tree, etc. Of these the 
Camphor tree and the Hinoki or Thuya obtusa arc the most 
valuable timber trees. The Camphor tree attains an enormous 
height and girth in Formosa, and may be called the king of 



io8 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

the forest Trees arc frequently seen with a circumference of 
twenty or thirty feet, and some require at least a forty-foot 
line to reach round tbcm. According to a recently published 
Forestry Rep<»rt, the Hinoki forests on Mount Ari arc esti- 
matctl to cover nearly 8,500 acres. Some of the tallest trees 
arc 130 feet high, and so thick that when cut down twelve 
persons can easily stand together upon the stump. 

The amount of timber in these virgin forests is very large. 
Of the needle trees there arc 762,000 large enough to furnish 
together over 14,000.000 posts each eighteen feet long and one 
foot square ; and of the broad leafed ones 375,000, from which 
nearly 4,000,000 posts of the same size could be obtained. 
Trees large enough to furnish one such post are worth from 
;C4 to £^ apiece, but even if, in order to be on the safe side, 
we reckon them at £2 apiece, these forests will be worth 
£36,000,000. For ninety years they can supply 200,000 posts 
each year. But ninety years means three generations, and if, 
therefore, those trees which are cut down be replaced by young 
saplings, new forests of similar value will be produced in that 
period. It i.s therefore no exaggeration to say that the 
Formosan forests are practically an inexhaustible mine of 
wealth. The Cinnamomum Camphora trees are of great value 
for making furniture. The wood may be compared to the 
mahogany which Europeans prize so highly for similar pur- 
poses, The Qucrcua Silva produces wood as hard and durable 
as teak. Mamboos grow all over the island in great variety. 
A small species found in the hills is used for making a very 
coarse wrapping pajier. 

One of the most important dye plants of Formosa is the 
Dye Yam, which grows wild in the mountainous savage 
territory throughout the island. This tuber is dark brown in 
colour with a rough surface, in shape not unlike a double 
bulbed potato. The dye is obtained by cutting the yam into 
amall pieces, which are then added to a certain quantity of 
boiling water in which the articles to be dyed are placed. The 
island also grows the Pith Paper Plant from which artificial 
flf)wer.'i are made, and a creeper which yields a narcotic medi- 
cine much used by Formcsans for catching fish, 

Among other economical plants may be mentioned the 
Cyperus Ru.sh, which is used for mat making, and the Machilus 



PLANTS AND ANIMALS 109 

Thunber^i, frotn which incense stkks are made: The P&bn, 
Banana and Pineapple are also met xnth throughout the 
islaad. The fibre which is obtained (rcxn the green leaves of 
the pineapple is emplo>-ed in the manufiicture of a cool summer 
doth. These econoniical plants and fniits are of great value 
even in their n'ikl state: With the adoption or s ci ent i fic , 
methods of cultivation and the introduction of new and ta|v^ 
proved spedes of fniit trees, the returns would be tTemendota.1 

To enumerate a few comparatively uncommon (hrits, the 
Parami (Artocarpus Integrifolia) is noted for its richness, the 
Rembu for its plain su'eetncss. The Buddha fruit contains a 
juice which tastes like milk, and there is a heart-shaped pear 
which has a singular taste: No one who has once eaten the 
Aigyo and Pinpon can ever forget their delicious flavour. The 
Aigyo (Ficus Pumila) is much valued by the Chinese for a 
jelly-like substance which is obtained by soaking the dried 
fruit in water. The Pinpon has a seed in the centre which 
smells intolerably bad, Ifwashed well with salt water it emits, 
however, a pleasant odour and becomes most delectable. 

The island is rich in sweet-scented and bright-hued flowers, 
especially orchids. Of these the most popular are the Koran, 
which is ver)' fragrant, and the Kochoran, Butterfly Orchid, so 
called on account of its resemblance to a butterfly ; this is much 
priied by the Formosan gentry for the beauty and durability 
of its flowers. The Jasmine is made much of by the Chinese, 
who put a sprig in their hair every morning. On the darkest 
night the approach of a Chinese woman may be detected a 
long way off by its heavy perfume. In shape and colour the 
flower is not unlike our Japanese magnolia, but very much 
smaller in size. There is another flower which is indispens- 
able on the drawing-room table in a gentleman's house, the 
Tuberose. Entirely scentless in the daytime, in the night tt 
emits a pure and strong perfume; hence its Japanese name 
which means fragrance under the moonlight, I once placed 
a few jasmines and tuberoses between the pages of a book, and 
when I opened it six months later the pleasant perfume still 
remained. 

I had more than once been told that Formosa was the 
or^nal home of the rose and had expected to find them there 
in profusion. To my disappointment, however, I could find 



iro JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

none except a few single white and red ones which spotted the 
hills and plains. I could not see any azaleas either, except a 
purple one which is found all over the plains in the northern 
half of the island. Magnolias, Rose Mallows, Hollyhocks and 
Cockscombs also abound and many varieties of Cactus. 

Animals are not nearly so plentiful in the island as flowers 
and plants. There are two species of oxen, the bullock, a 
descendant of the Dutch breed, and the water buffalo. Both 
of them are suited for farm work, but unfit for milking purposes. 
Their flesh is also unpalatable. Of late years Japanese oxen 
have been imported, but many years must pass before they 
can completely replace the native bullocks. The water buffaloes 
soon tire unless they are frequently bathed with cold water, so 
their drivers are often compelled to help them by pouring water 
over their backs, which unfits them for carrying packs a long 
distance. 

It is said that in old times wild horses were met with, but 
I never saw any. Very few of the farmers keep horses ; one 
might almost say that there are no horses in the island. The 
main reason for this is no doubt that the water buffaloes take 
their place for farming purposes. The island is also inhabited 
fay such wild animals as tigers, bears, wild boars, lai^e monkeys 
allied to ourang-outangs, smaller monkeys, wild cats, musk 
cats, squirrels, hares and goat-antelopes. There used also to 
be lai^e numbers of deer, but this animal is now rarely seen, 
the Chinese hunters having killed them indiscriminately for the 
last three hundred years. 

Birds are not found in so great a variety as in the temperate 
zones. There is no species of crow peculiar to the island, those 
which are occasionally met with among the mountains are the 
descendants of the ones which Count Kabayama set free from 
his warship at the time of the occupation of the island in 1895. 
According to specialists most of the animals found in Formosa 
are much more nearly allied to those in Japan, Malaysia and 
India than to those existing on the neighbouring Chinese 
coasts. Singing birds are few and far between. The snake 
family is well represented and very abundant. Indeed the 
island is noted for its venomous serpents. The fish do not 
difller much from those which are caught in Japanese waters, 
except that they are as a rule less palatable. 



CLIMATE III 

It seems to me that all forms of life in the island are more 
or less affected by the climate. Formosa stretches over the 
semi-tropical and tropical zones, and the temperature at one 
point differs greatly from that at another point at the same 
elevation and but a few miles off, thus producing phenomenal 
changes in the vegetation. That is why the island enjoys a 
much greater variety of plant life than most tropical countries. 
Plants continue growing all the year round. Flowers bloom at 
all seasons of the year. Mosquito nets are indispensable even 
on New Year's Day. It would be a mistake to infer from this 
that the island enjoys one continual summer, for such is not 
the case. Spring b^ns in March and lasts till the end of May, 
the weather being generally warm. Summer lasts from the 
banning of June till the middle of September, and the heat 
then is very intense. October and November correspond to 
the Little Spring of Japan, and are the healthiest months in the 
whole year. The rainy season sets in in December, and for 
twenty or thirty days the drizzle continues day and night with- 
out interruption. This period is like the rainy season which 
Japan experiences before the summer commences, except that 
in Formosa it is much longer. During this season putrefaction 
sets in very rapidly, and it is then that malaria and other fevers 
which are caused by decaying plants are most prevalent It is 
a most depressing and trying season, and nobody feels good for 
anything until the south-west monsoon sets in and entirely dis- 
sipates the moisture in the air. Although the rainy season is 
so unpleasant to men and animals, the fertility of the island is 
largely dependent on it. Vegetation thrives amazingly; a 
shoot stuck in the ground at that time, no matter how care- 
lessly, is almost certain to grow. Strange to say, the north 
is much wetter than the south ; in fact, Kelung has the distinc- 
tion of being the fourth wettest place in the world. The follow- 
ing table shows how ample is the rainfall annually received by 
the island : — 




JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



TABLE OF COMPARATIVE RAINFALL (INCHES) FOR THE WORLD." 



1 



(FoDKonM tlatio 

Checraponzee (India) . 
Maranhao (Brazil) 
Vera Crui (Mexico) . . 
KELUNG .... 
Caracas (Veneiueta) . 
Solomon Ulands (Coasi Sution) 
BuilenzDrE(Jav3) 
Cayenne (French Guiana) . 
Mong Kong 


KOHHUN 

TAIHOKU 
Sierra Leon 
SOUTH Cfi 
Naha (Looc 
Port Jaekao 

Si 

Manila 

TAKOW 

TAICHU 


PE . 
Iioos) 
(Australia) . 


Swstow 
Florida 
San Juan (P 
NewOrlevu 

TAINAN 


orto Rico)" 



■t priMiid in capital ItHiri.) 



6l8 Bermuda 

a8o Kobe 

tS3 Havana 

tjl BuenOB Ayres . . . . 

ijj Foochow 

150 Sydney 

150 Vancouver 

108 Amoy 

96 Shanghai 

9a FISHER ISLAND (PeBCadores) . 

gl Canton 

S8 Honolulu 

87 BAKO (Pescadores) 

87 Ayansk (Siberia) . , . . 

Sj Algiers 

8a Pekin 

77 London 

76 Delhi 

76 Berlin 

74 Cape Town 

71 San Francisco .... 

65 Adelaide 

6a Monterey (California) . 

60 Alexandria 

60 Port Said 

58 



According to the returns compiled by the Forinosan 
Government, the average temperature of Formosa for the five 
years which ended in 1901 was as follows : — 

' Tht liland of Formosa, by J. W. Davidson. 



^^^^^^H 113 


1 


i 




1 

J 




1 


S 


« !- yr^P!n?'r»pp^?^r ^'■p;'^R^»=!■.-■pr?■ 


Ittt^Zii 






«N« 


J 


l i iiimmmuii^'-^i 


:s!°" 


s§gt!,i: 


3 






\i 


i I immmMiiir'-i 


:s2n 


:??■?,??, 


] 


3 


1 „.. 




IS^tl 


jggjirs 


i 


s « «as,as3SRaaisssj85 " 


■: 
9 




... 


s 


ff s- taaEjfflSsEsiJjII^""' 


^"S" ** 


ssr.i-; 




1 •rmin 


i 


t 1 CSI|vSJfe«S?r||Fff-£ 


-«bib 


ssssr; 




... 


i 


1 1 E-CS^lJJlSis?!|||"-5 


rjssr 


;gs?,^s 


3 




... 


1 


* !" r-!~r~!"Pi*.'~?ypP'P^:'r!"£5£?' 


;:rs? 


! ° ^ ^j?v 


s 

1 







s. 


S 3 JJ«'SMSaS,S,= S!:lS5"""°' 


safibbiiviS 




a 




... 


1 


1 1 si?issii?siis|:"F""5 


•r"JbSSS!.S,E 


» 




..<, 


1 


S J St-SylKsss^'SMS-""- 


-," b 00 oC^r 


> 




..„ 


5 

i 

i 


1 1 mmiiMi'imS'^''t^ 


,isg!igr.ss 


1 


- 




^m^mpmi^mpipm 


9 




-"a 


X 




-,. 


IL 






z 




"R" 


s 

1 






L M 



114 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

The above table was compiled by carrying out twenty-four 
observations a day in the northern districts, and six observa- 
tions a day in the middle and southern parts, 

From this table it will be seen that the middle part of the 
island is both by its temperature and weather the most suitable 
for residential purposes, but its natural advantages are counter- 
acted by the lack of modern facilities. The extreme north and 
south are, on account of the facilities of communication which 
they enjoy, much the most civilised ; the middle portion merely 
follows in their footsteps. 

During the easterly storm which visited Taihoku on the 
Jth of August, 1898, a wind velocity of 973 miles an hour was 
recorded. The N.N.E. wind of 1899 blew at Taichu with a 
velocity of 52'! miles an hour ; and the S.S.W. wind on the 
1st of October, 1896, blew at Tainan with a velocity of S9'3 
miles an hour. At Koshun, on the 20th of May, 1900, during 
a southerly gale there was recorded a velocity of 857 miles an 
hour. 

Early in the spring of 1904, the island had a population of 
3,137,000. The Chinese, who form the greater part of it, 
occupy the vast and fertile plains. They may be divided into 
two classes — Haklos and Hakkas. This distinction first arose 
in China from historical and social causes, but it has become 
as clear and well defined as thoi^h founded on racial distinc- 
tions. 

The Haklos may be divided into four groups, Amoy, 
Tswengchoo, Changchoo, and Changpoo, according to their 
dialects and the districts in Fokien from which they come. 
They are by some authors called "The Min Caste". They 
number some 2,400,000. 

The Hakkas — or " The Yueh Caste," as some writers call 
them — now number over 400,000, Their ancestors mostly emi- 
grated from the province of Canton. According to the Account 
of a Trip to t/ie Hakka Districts in Kwangtung, written by a 
Frenchman, M. Pant, the Hakkas originally lived at Kiaying- 
chow in Kwangtung Province, but, early in the eighth century, 
they emigrated to other parts of the same province and abo to 
Fokien and Kwangsi. 

There is an interesting tradition about them. When 
Hwang Chao was on his way at the head of an army to attack 



1 

I 
\ 

I 



INHABITANTS 



"S 



Kiajmig-chow. a woman met him carrying two children, the 
bigger one on her back and the smaller in her arms. Accost- 
ing her he asked her why she was in such a hurry. Not knowing 
who her questioner was, she replied that she was endeavourir^ 
to escape from Hwang Chao, On being asked why she carried 
the larger child on her back and the smaller one in her arms, 
she said : " The smaller child is my own, and if need be I can 
leave it behind ; but I would rather die than lose the other, as 
he is my husband's own brother". Greatly impressed with 
these word.s, Hwang Chao told her who he was, and added, 
" Go straight back to your house, and hang up a string bean 
at the door, .so that I may know your house and order my men 
not to molest you in any way ". The woman obeyed his direc- 
tions, and her neighbours all followed her example and escaped 
injury. People in the adjoining districts also took refuge in 
the town, so that it was soon crowded with the refugees. On 
the restoration of peace they all emigrated to Canton and neigh- 
bourhood. To this day the Hakkas r^ard Kiaying-chow as 
their original home, and on a certain day each year they still 
hang up a string bean at the door of each of their houses. 
Kiaying-chow Is on the way from Canton to Fokien via the 
Tungkiang. 

The Hakkas were driven about from place to place, and at 
length sought peace in Formosa from a life of misery and op- 
pression on the mainland. They are very industrious and 
quite ready to endure hardships. The Hakka women follow 
the customs of their unfortunate ancestors and work in the fields 
with their husbands ; they do not bind their feet. The Haklo 
women, on the other hand, adherestrictly to the ancient customs 
prevailing in South China. They bind their feet and stay at 
home doing nothing while their husbands are out working in 
the fields. Thus the Hakkas frequently succeed where the 
Haklos fail. 

Before the arrival of these Chinese the savage tribes were 
the masters of the whole island, but, being driven back by the 
invaders, they took refuge in the mountainous districts. They 
now number it is believed about 100,000 souls. Some of them 
entered into close communication with the new-comers, and 
thus gradually abandoned many of their original customs, in 
some cases their language also, and adopted the language and 



u6 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

customs of the Chinese. For thb reason, they are often caUed 
^^Domesticated Savages ^ They now nmnber about 35,000 
altogether. 

The coming of the Japanese added a third distinct element 
to the population. Tbrir number has already reached 50,000, 
excluding soldiers. 



1 


^_ 


^ 




^ -ww-l:^^ ■ 


,^ d 






Bahom GoTo'fl Of 




_ ^ 


,._J 






^^■■L-^P^^^^^H 






Taihoku Citv as seen from th 



REAL ESTATE AND TENANTS' RIGHTS. 

A visit to the Bureau of Surveys — History oC the FotmoMns — A neglected colonjr 
— Difficulties met with by the iiist immigiantB — Clan fights — The growth 
of landlordiem — Complicated ownetship — The lelatron of landlord and 
tenant — The Govemment demand — Some land values— The claasification 
of land — Liu Ming^chuan'B attempt to remeasure the land — A temporary 
Bureau ot Surveys established — Regulations for the investigation of land 
questions — Survey of the land^Thc Bureau's employees— Success of the 
investigation — Maps — A true estimate of the area of the land, and the 
taxation returns — A Government ordinance — The Government as landlord 
— Landlordism and feudalism. 

The Governor-General's Office at Taihoku, unlike what one 
might expect, is an unpretentious wooden structure in Chinese 
styie, and but for its height did not appeal to me as a place of 
residence. On the left of the office stands another building 
which reminded me of a country district office. As we passed I 
noticed two native Formosans, a man and a woman, in earnest 
conversation with an official inside. My guide. Baron Goto, 
told me that the building we had Just passed was the Bureau 
for Land Surveys, and that the man and woman 1 had noticed 
were disputing their rights to some landed property. I had 
more than once been informed that Formosan women lived in 
privacy and took very tittle interest in anything but their 
toilets. When, therefore, I saw a native woman insisting on 
her rights inside a Government office, mycuriosity was roused 
at once, and I wished to investigate the matter further. We 
therefore went round to the Bureau of Surveys to see what 
was taking place. Mr. Nakamura. the Director of the Bureau, 
kindly explained what I wanted to know, and other officials 
showed me their survey maps, producing different rasters, 
and giving me minute explanations as to their use. They also 
showed me how theodolites and other surveying instruments 
"7 



118 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

were used. When they had finished their explanations, I could 
not help admiring the amount of work they had accomplished. 
Unperceived by the people at lai^e, a great social revolution — 
rare in our day, and rare too in the economical history of the 
world — had been started in this Bureau, and was then rapidly 
approaching its end, silently and without confusion. 

Formosa was a Chinese settlement until it was ceded to us 
in 1895, and most of the inhabitants are of Chinese descent. 
The settlement was not controlled by the Government nor by 
a commercial company as so many colonial enterprises have 
been since. The settlers were Chinese immigrants who poured 
over unceasingly in their search for wealth, and whose departure 
the Chinese Government countenanced without actively sup- 
porting. They were content to build up their administration 
on the achievements of the people, but for 200 years they 
never governed the island in the true sense of the word, nor 
was there in all those years a single man who might be called 
a great legislator. The social conditions were in a similar un- 
satisfactory state, being based on the customs and habits which 
the immigrants had brought with them from the Provinces of 
Fokien and Canton, modified only by natural human passions. 
To govern such people is fully as difficult a task as to found a 
new colony. 

The first essential for an infant society is territory. Happi- 
ness and wealth, enjoyment and influence, yea the very ability 
to exist, all depend on land. The land laws of Formosa were, 
however, in great disorder, only of benefit to the cunning and 
powerful at the expense of the weak. As long as this wretched 
system remained in force, it was impossible for the natives to 
enjoy life, and hopeless to look for any prosperity in the island. 
For that reason our authorities opened the Bureau for Land 
Surveys, and directed it to revise the land tax, revalue and 
remeasure the land, estimate its producing capacity, make 
trigonometrical surveys, and ascertain what modifications were 
required in the land laws — in fact, to attend to every question 
that might arise in regard to land. 

Towards the close of the fourteenth century when the 
Japanese ■■ Dwarf Slaves " were ravaging the Chinese coasts, the 
first Chinese immigrants arrived in Formosa, and settled for 
the most part along the southern coast. Subsequently both 



REAL ESTATE AND TENANTS' RIGHTS 119 

Chinese and Japanese pirates made the island their head- 
quarters, and the Chinese settlers began to land farther and 
farther north, installing themselves only along the coast, and 
leaving the savages in undisputed possession of the vast and 
fertile interior. Not a deerskin, nor even a single bird, could 
the new<omers obtain from the savages without payment. 

On account of the long peace which had lasted for more 
than three centuries, the increase of population in China during 
the closing years of the seventeenth century was quite unpre- 
cedented, and a lai^e number of people were obliged to go 
abroad to earn a livelihood. IVIoreover, the Tartar invasion in 
the north, and the increased activity of brigands in the interior 
of the Empire, induced thousands of Chinese to leave their 
homes and flock to Formosa. By this time the districts near 
the coast were already overcrowded, and the majority of the new 
arrivals were forced farther inland. They set out from China 
expecting to find absolute freedom in their new homes, and 
were greatly disappointed on seeing the actual conditions. 
They wanted to plough, but the native landowners could not 
be driven away like birds, and refused to listen to their de- 
mands before receiving ample compensation. If they attempted 
to seize the land by force, the rightful owners attacked and 
killed them. Under these circumstances they chose to become 
the retainers of such of the older settlers as possessed sufficient 
wealth or influence to obtain for them the lease of land, and 
these latter came in time to wield great influence. 

Though the land was gradually wrested from the savage 
aborigines, racial wars were of frequent occurrence. In order 
to make it possible for the peasants to farm with any degree 
of security, volunteer troops had to be raised to keep back the 
savages. Proofs are still extant showing how on occasions the 
peasants themselves used to fight with the savages, and on the 
restoration of peace betake themselves again to the plough. 
In general, however, they were too weak to offer any effectual 
resistance, and were consequently obliged to rely on the lead- 
ing families for protection and assistance, a fact which con- 
tributed not a little to the power and influence of these families. 
As the number of settlers increased and more land was brought 
under cultivation, the exclusiveness of the various families and 
clans increased to such an extent that even trifling dbputes 



120 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

were almost certain to lead to bloody combats. The clan 
fights, which were so terribly frequent in Fokien, were intro- 
duced into Formosa in a more cruel form, and occupy a very 
imjjortant place in the history of the island. The Civil War 
which lasted from 1859 to 1862, originated in a quarrel be- 
tween the people of Changchoo on the one side and those 
of Tswengchoo and Canton on the other. Thb alone is suffi- 
cient to show what great calamities these clan fights brought 
upon the island. 

The leading families then by wresting the land from the 
savages, furnishing food and clothes to those who engaged in 
agriculture, and defending the farmers from the attacks of 
lawless mobs and savages, occupied a position of great influence, 
and became in a sense lords of the manor, levying taxes from 
the farmers. This condition of alTairs was recognised by the 
Chinese Government, who imposed taxes on the leading families 
and held them responsible for the behaviour of their tenants. 
Thus the Amoy system, under which the most influential 
family in each district is a kind of petty despot, took root in the 
island and became with very few exceptions even more absolute 
than in China. These leading Formosan families are called 
" Kansheu " (Chief Land Opener), or "Veh-hu" (Employers). 
Each Kansheu usually had several hundred thousand acres of 
land which was cultivated by two or three hundred thousand 
farmers. Their influence was tremendous, and they were, so 
to speak, petty feudal lords. During the latter half of the 
eighteenth century, when the feud between the Chinese settlers 
and the savages was about at its height, Kiang King and Kwang 
Fu were the Yeh-hu of Bioritsu, and Kwoh Tsun the Yeh-hu 
of the Districts of Chikuho, Hokuho, Chuko and Kaizanka 
They maintained volunteer troops at their own expense, and 
fought gainst the savages, driving them ofl' into the mountain- 
ous regions. To show their high appreciation of these services, 
the Chinese Government divided between them the land which 
had been taken from the savages, so that Kwoh's territory ex- 
tended as far as Hachiriho in the north, Fusanki in the south, 
and eastwards from the sea right up to the walls, which had 
been built by the Chinese Government to separate the Chinese 
settlements from the savage territory. This single fact will 
give some idea of the magnitude of the influence which was 



REAL ESTATE AND TENANTS' RIGHTS 121 

wielded by the leading Formosan kmilies of that age, and also 
of the extent of their territories. 

But time works many changes. The life of ease and opu- 
lence enjoyed by the Kansheu undermined the energies of 
their descendants, who gradually became more and more self- 
indulgent, abandoning themselves to sensual pleasures and 
idleness. On the other hand, their tenants were not now so 
destitute as their ancestors had been, having by diligence and 
hard work become independent. So it happened that the 
Fokien custom, that the landlord and tenant have both a joint 
right in the land, was observed in Formosa also, and almost 
every field was jointly owned. In accordance with this custom 
no landlord could arbitrarily either evict a tenant or raise his 
rent. At first this practice was confined to certain locahties, 
but it very soon found favour throi^h the whole island, and all 
who wished to invest in land were obliged to rec<^nise the 
custom and concede from the outset certain rights to their 
tenants. The tenants again, many of whom had by this time 
become fairly wealthy, b^an to sublet their fields to other 
poorer peasants, and were in consequence distinguished by the 
name " Small Rent Receivers," while the original landowners 
were known as "Great Rent Receivers". The rent paid to 
the landowner was called "Taiso" (Great Rent). By this 
time very few enjoyed a clear title to any lot of ground, nearly 
every plot being owned jointly. The landowner could collect 
the rent from his tenant, but was powerless either to sell the 
land, or to lease it to any one else ; the tenant on the other 
hand could either sell or sublet the land. 

From the above, we arc justified in asserting that in 
Formosa the inherited rights of the landowning class have 1 
been compelled to give way before the efficiency and dili- i 
gence of the tenants — a strange phenomenon indeed which we, \ 
Japanese, have never either seen or heard of before. Of course 1 
the remarkable relation thus existing between the landowner 
and his tenant was not always based upon the historical de- 
velopments referred to above. Sometimes cunning and in- 
fluential families, who had done nothing towards cultivating or 
clearing the land, managed successfully to defraud the Govern- 
ment and the people, and to collect rent from fields which 
really belonged to others. For instance, Hwang, a crafty 



122 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

resident of Tainan, secured the rights to Nanshinseiri and 
Sankeiseiri in this way. In tike manner, Hwan Pan-yuen, Wu 
Pang and Lin Hung obtained the rights to GaibuteJrt. The 
origin of the landowners' rights is thus not the same in all 
cases, but one point is always dear, and that is, that they were 
obtained more often by force than by investment and labour. 
Time gradually weakened these rights, while those of the 
tenant, who actually ploi^hed the fields, became stronger and 
stronger. The natural result was that the ownership of the 
land came to be divided between the landlord and the tenant. 
Some Formosans paid rent for the land they leased from 
savages, but others bought it outright, as in the case of 
Toseiriosho, Daifunsho and Sobunsho. Others again sublet 
the land they had leased from the savages, receiving a rent 
from their tenants, and paying rent themselves to the savages. 
The legal rentals were very irregular, and varied according 
to the fertility of the ground, and the difficulties which its first 
cultivators had encountered. In many cases the rent was 
settled according to the tithe system. Under this arrange- 
ment one-tenth of the crop went to the landlord, the remaining 
nine-tenths belonging to the tenant. In some instances this 
\ was changed, and the landlord received, in addition to his 
■ 'tenth, 5 per cent, of the tenant's share. Some tenants handed 
over to their landlords 40 bushels of unhulled rice for every 
2i acres of land they held, while others delivered 30 per cent. 
of the crop. In Taihoku, Bunzanho and the neighbourhood, 
this comparatively high rate was paid because of the difficulties 
the first cultivators experienced in preparing the ground, and 
the much larger monetary assistance which they received from 
their landlords. In Tokan, Chikuho and Hokuho districts 
some of the landlords received one-tenth of the crop for the 
first three years, while the land was being brought under 
cultivation. They afterwards measured the land, and charged 
a rent not exceeding 40 bushels for every 2^ acres. There 
was still another arrangement by which the landlord claimed 
an additional sum for freight. A brief explanation of this is 
necessary. In early years it was the custom for the landlord 
to send his collector to the tenant and charge the tenant a 
certain sum for the freight on the rice with which the rent was 
paid. This charge amounted to 5^ per cent, of the rent, and 



REAL ESTATE AND TENANTS' RIGHTS 123 

was made irrespective of distance. In later years the landlord 
made the tenant bring the rice to his house, but still charged 
him the extra amount for freight. When the landowner sold 
his rights, this bonus was always taken into account 

From the political point of view these Formosan institutions 
were much safer than if the whole of one district had belonged 
absolutely to one man, and all the inhabitants had been 
his tenants. There were, however, many drawbacks. Firstly, 
since but few owned any land absolutely, and nearly every 
tract was held in common, property rights were very insecure. 
Secondly, as the landlord and tenant rights were often sold 
independently of each other, it often happened that the land- 
lord did not know who his tenants were, and the tenants were, 
in like manner, ignorant as to who their landlord was. Need- 
less to say, the landlord was the heavier loser. The tenant 
stood to lose little or nothing, being liable for payment at all 
times ; on the other hand, the landlord, whose tenants had 
sold and resold his fields without his knowledge, often had no 
idea from whom he could collect his rent. In spite of this, 
the Government held him responsible for the payment of the 
taxes, and he was sometimes obliged to pay taxes on property 
from which he could get no rents at all. 

The land in Formosa may be divided into three classes. 
The first was the " Crown Lands," which, during the Dutch 
occupation, the Government cultivated with its own money, 
and which in Koxinga's days was called " Government Lands ". 
These lands, tc^ether with those in the hands of civil and 
military officers, were afterwards surrendered to the tenants, 
and became their absolute property. The rights on lands of 
this description were therefore not divided, its owners enjoying 
a clear title. 

The second class consisted of land which the people culti- 
vated on their own account, and the full ownership of which 
belonged to them. There was not much land of this descrip- 
tion, but what there was owed its existence to peculiar circum- 
stances. Giran was at first farmed by the people of Chang- 
chow ; many years later a native, Wu Sha by name, used his 
influence to induce the Cantonese to unite with the people of 
Chang-chow and Chuan-chow in farming an extensive area in 
joint tenancy. This land was known as the " Land Common 



124 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

to the Three Families". When the Government decided to 
impose land taxes, Wu and his fellow holders presented a 
petition to the authorities requesting that their position as 
landlords might be officiaHy rec<^nised, and they given per- 
mission to collect rents from their tenants, and pay taxes to 
the Government. Yang Ting-li, the District Magistrate, how- 
ever, was well aware of the inconveniences inseparable from 
this system, and rejected the petition, recc^nising the actual 
cultivators as the real owners of the land. In this way full 
ownership was preserved in the Giran District. 

The third and last class, consisting of Government land, 
may be subdivided into four classes. At the time of Lin 
Shoan-wen's rebellion in 1786, the more civilised savages joined 
the Imperial army, and distinguished themselves by their 
bravery. To show his appreciation for these services, as well 
as with the hope of utilising them in future emergencies, Fuh 
Kang-ngan, the Viceroy of Fokien, settled a number of them 
as military colonists. About the same time the Viceroy dis- 
covered that the Chinese were farming more than 9,000 acres 
of land outside the walls, which the Government had con- 
structed to stop the Chinese from encroaching any further 
upon the Savage Territory. This the Viceroy confiscated and 
handed over to his ovm dependants. The revenue obtained 
from this land was devoted to the support of the military 
colonists, and the rents were therefore called " Military Rents ". 
The occupiers paid their rents regularly for many years, but 
at last stopped doing so, as the boundaries of their fields 
had become indistinguishable. Still it is an undeniable fact 
that these fields existed in the midst of others, and the name 
at least still remains. 

The second class consisted chiefly of land which the Govern- 
ment had cleared, and had since cultivated at its own expense. 
A portion of it had, moreover, been confiscated from civil and 
military officers, who had originally claimed it unlawfully. The 
whole income from this land, some of which was covered by 
forests, went to the Government. Although the land was so 
varied in character, the rights of the Government were generally 
those of a landlord. 

The third class was the " Land of High Favours ". The 
Government at first purchased landlords' rights and also re- 



REAL ESTATE AND TENANTS' RIGHTS 



125 



claimed unoccupied land with the surplus of its revenue. This 
land, together with that taken from the savages by force of 
arms, constituted the " Land of High Favours," the name beit^ 
derived from the interesting fact that the income from such land 
was all spent in festivals in memory of deceased soldiers, or 
distributed among the troops in the shape of rewards. 

The fourth class consisted of land which had been confiscated 
from those who Had conspired against the Government, In the 
Taihoku district, it was mostly confiscated from Tsai Kang and 
Wu I-j'an, who took part in the Lin Kiawan rebellion, and to 
this the Government had the rights both of landlord and tenant. 
In other districts both rights were rarely confiscated, the one or 
the other being appropriated in whole or in part. This lack of 
uniformity in the land system encouraged every imaginable 
method of fraud, and honest people suffered much loss in conse- 
quence. 

China, during her long occupation of the island, made no 
attempt for 300 years to remeasure the land, and extensive 
areas remained quite exempt from taxation. Tracts, which 
were officially calculated as one Ko (2J acres), often measured 
several Ko. In 1886, however, when Liu Ming-chuan was 
appointed Governor, an attempt was made to effect a radical 
reformation. In order to detect frauds, to equalise the taxes, 
and to define clearly the relations existing between the landlords 
and their tenants, he issued instructions that the whole island 
should be rcmeasured. He also directed that the tenant should 
be regarded as the true owner of the land, and be held respons- 
ible for the payment of all taxes, that the rents payable by the 
tenant should in consequence be cut down 40 per cent., and 
that the land rents imposed on a 6eld should all be included in 
one sum. On the completion of the land survey, the landlord 
was to receive a yearly rent of twenty-five bushels of unhulled 
rice for each Ko of first class land, and sixteen bushels for each ' 
Koof an inferior quality, while the tenant's share was to be from 
40 per cent, to 60 per cent, of the crop. Judicious as this plan 
of Governor Liu's was, it proved very unpopular and met with 
stubborn resistance everywhere, disturbances being reported in 
various places. To make matters worse, a section of people in 
China also united in opposing the plan. This proved fata! to 
the scheme, and, though the land survey was carried through 



126 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

and the taxes were revised, the remainder of the project was 
abandnned. Shortly after, Governor Liu resigned on the plea 
of ill-health. Notwithstanding the unpopularity of his measures, 
his failure must be largely attributed to the fact that his main 
object was not to remedy the wrongs suffered by the people, but 
to increase the Government revenue, which caused the petty 
officials to exerdse greater partiality than they should have 
done 

When the island was ceded to Japan in 1895, the whole land 
system was in such confusion that no reliable record of the area 
under cultivation was obtainable. For that reason our author- 
ities set to work first of all to revise the land tax laws and 
make a thorough survey. The social order and customs of an 
agricultural country have their foundation entirely on the land 
S3'stem and tax laws. From the political point of view too, the 
land tax is the most important item of the national revenue, no 
matter how small a proportion it may bear to the whole amount. 
In July, 1898, our authorities promulgated regulations regard- 
ing the records of land surveys throughout the island. In Sep- 
tember, the Temporary Bureau of Surveys was established at 
Taihoku, with Baron Goto as Director, and the work of land 
investigation was commenced. The Bureau's principal duties 
were to survey the whole island, estimate the produce, make 
maps, ledgers, and land registers. In other words, the work to 
be done was similar to that carried out in Japan in the land tax 
revision of 1 874, when all landed property was reassessed, trigono- 
metrical and military surveys made and a census taken. For 
these purposes the Government appropriated Yen S400,ooa 

The Land Investigation Regulations provide: — 

1. That in order to enable the authorities to make maps 
and draw up Estate Ledgers, every "Gyoshu" (Landowner) 
shall furnish a report of the land in his possession, and upon 
receipt of this report the authorities shall survey the land. 

2. That for the purposes of this survey thirteen feet shall 
be equal to one Sai. 

3. That land measuring twenty-five Sai square shall be 
called one Ko ; one tenth of a Ko, one Bu ; one hundredth of 
a Ko, one Rin ; one thousandth of a Ko, one Mo ; and one ten 
thousandth of a Ko, one Shi. 

4. That the officials may allow the landowner, or his repre- 



REAL ESTATE AND TENANTS* RIGHTS 127 

sentative, to be present as witnesses at the time of tbe survey 

of bis land. 

5. That the boundafy lines of each field, as well as its laitd- 
owner, be fixed by the Land In%-estigation Local Committee, 
which shall be appointed and presided o\'er by the Governor of 
tbe district (Cho). Any landowner who is dtscontcnled u-ith 
the decisions of this Local Committee may appeal nHthtn sixty 
days to the Land Infestation Higher Committer This 
Ccwunittee shall have tbe Go%-emor-General as its Chainnan, 
and shall be composed of three judges, and three h^ admin- 
istrative officials, all of whom shall be nominated by the 
Go\iemor-Geiieral ; together with three men of high learning 
and reputation who shall be nominated by the Governor- 
General, and approved by His Majesty the Emperor through 
the Prime Minister. There is no appeal whatCTTr from the 
decisions of this Committee 

6. The rights of all landowners foiling to send in any report 
shall l>e transferred to the Treasurj-, 

As, according to the abo\'e regulations, the rights of owner- 
ship were forfeited for ever unless claimed within a certain 
period, it was expected that all the owners would send in their 
claims promptly; but. as is usually the case, the movement 
aroused much suspicion in the minds of the uncivilised people. 
The Bureau of Surv-cys, anxious to remo\-e any misunderstand- 
ing, issued circulars explaining the nature of the undertaking, 
and assuring the people that the Government's motive was not 
to increase the revenue, but to promote the real interests of the 
islanders by retbrming the irregularities of the land s>-stcm. 
These circulars proved very efficacious. The natives, who 
showed some hesitation at first, began to attend to the regula- 
tions, and were before long ^ying with each other in asking llu" 
authorities to come and survey their lands. Thereupon the 
Government commenced work with the survey of Sckitci, 
Bunzan, and Hisetsu in the Taihoku District, Sckitei and 
Bunzan are known as two of the wildest regions in the whole 
island, and on account of the daring of the inhabitants are 
supposed to have once been the resort of savages. On the 
other hand, Hbetsu is a plain, the greater part of which is 
under cultivation. Its inhabitants are simple, friendly people. 
The experiments of the authorities in these two different 



128 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

localities were quite successful, and were followed by the 
despatch of some 800 officials, many corps of engineers, to ail 
parts of the island. The work was divided into two sections, 
business and surveying. To the officials of Hannin rank were 
entrusted the various preparations for the change, investigating 
the boundary lines between the different towns and villages, 
examining the reports and evidence which were sent in, making 
general maps, taking tours of inspection, conducting inquiries 
into the time-honoured customs and habits, etc., etc The work 
of the engineers was first to make a general trigonometrical survey 
of the whole island, then to correct this by making other surveys, 
using certain fixed points as centres, and lastly to make surveys 
correct in every detail. To begin with, the whole surface of the 
island was divided into sections, each four square miles in area. 
For the first survey the poles were placed 10,000 metres apart, 
for the second 5 ,000 metres apart, and for the third and minutest 
one, only 2,000 metres apart. In this way i,300 square miles 
were surveyed at a time. In despatching such a large number 
of men to different parts, the Bureau of Surveys employed a 
number of junior engineers, and encouraged them to do their 
best by offering them increased salaries, or an extra bonus for 
extra work. At the same time the authorities took measures 
to induce them to save a certain portion of their salaries, so that 
on the expiration of their term of employment they might be 
independent. Alt the junior engineers, who had finished their 
work, and whose term had expired, were obliged to return at 
once to Japan. These regulations were made to prevent their 
squandering their savings, and did much to maintain order 
among them. I was told that on an average each of them 
surveyed as much as fifteen acres a day. 

When I inspected the different maps and ledgers in the 
Bureau of Surveys, and also had the pleasure of seeing the 
officials at work, I could not but admire the vastness of the 
undertaking, and the scientific way in which it was being 
carried through. There is no town or village in the island 
the exact position of which has not been determined, no field or 
plantation, however small, which will not be found upon one or 
other of the prepared maps ; in short, precise information is at 
once obtainable as to the size, etc., of any piece of ground down 
to the smallest rice field. 



REAL ESTATE AND TENANTS' RIGHTS 129 

When we arrived at the godown reserved for ledgers, Baron 
Goto requested one of the officials to show me the map of a 
certain village. The officials referred to the index, and speedily 
spread a map out before us. It was much like those issued 
by the General Staff Office, except that it was drawn to a scale 
of I in 600, while those prepared by the General Staff Office, 
if I remember rightly, are drawn to i in 200,000. In the village 
map we saw rice fields, tea plantations, brooks, hills and woods, 
ail drawn with that precision which the trigonometrical survey 
alone can secure. District maps were then produced. They 
were, in system, similar to the village map I had just seen, 
but their scale was i in 20,000, With one of these maps and 
a pencil it was easy at once to ascertain the size of each vil- 
lage. In that godown it would be almost as easy to examine 
the physical contour and gec^raphical features of Formosa as 
it is to study the palm of one's own hand. There were also a 
large number of maps which I did not see, but which were 
drawn. 1 was told, as either preparatory or supplementary to 
the village and district maps. These were maps relating to 
disputed property, original maps of towns and villages, maps 
showing the prioress of the survey, etc., etc. 

The fields and plantations thus measured have been classi- 
fied according to their productiveness. The authorities in- 
structed the people to provide the Government with full 
particulars as to the annual rent, the value of the tenant 
right, the tea, sugar and sweet potato crops, and the irrigation 
charge. After comparing these reports with the results of their 
own investigations, the authorities decided the legal land rent 
of each field. They knew well the danger of determining such 
a matter by wild supposition and mere custom, and were con- 
stantly on their guard against the deceptions of the cunning 
people. 

Compared with the gigantic enterprise under review, the 
revision of the land tax which was carried out in Japan in the 
year 1874 was mere child's play. The whole area of Formosa 
has now been accurately measured, its hills and valleys care- 
fully surveyed, and its productive capacity ascertained. This 
is of untold value to the military and civil administration. In 
the early years of our occupation we were informed that the 
total area of the fields and plantations was about 1,047,338 



130 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

acres, but it was generally expected that a careful survey would 
increase these figures by some 20 per cent. When the work was 
finished, however, these figures were, to our great surprise, 
nearly doubled, and the receipts from the land tax showed 
a corresponding increase. To be more exact, before the survey 
the total area of the fields and fish nurseries (including Crown 
Lands) was believed to be 890,000 acres, which yielded Yen 
860,706 as tax. The result of the measurement, which was 
finished last spring (1905) shows that the real area is 1,535,163 
acres, and the receipts from the Land Tax have jumped up to 
Yen 2,989,387. Part of this large increase is due to a rise in 
the rates, and part is accounted for by the fact that, as the 
Government purchased the Taiso (Landowners') Rights, the 
annual rents which had been paid previously to the landowners 
are now included in the above figures. This increase in receipts 
shows how this Land Survey has revolutionised the system of 
land tenure. 

History furnishes more than one example where attempts 
to revise the land tax and reassess the land gave rise to dis- 
turbances, and the work had to be given up owing to the de- 
termined opposition shown by the people ; but in Formosa 
this great work has gone forward easily and silently without 
causing any trouble. It has cost the lives of only thirty-one 
persons altogether, who died fighting, not against the people, 
but against the climate, the majority of their deaths being due 
to beri-beri, malarial fever, and dysentery. There were no 
struggles with the Formosans; only one man met a violent 
death, and he was killed by brigands. 

As soon as the Survey had been finished, and the relations 
between the landowners and their tenants made clear, the 
Formosan Government authorities took measures to purchase 
the landowners' rights throughout the island, and issued a loan 
for that purpose. The Japanese Diet approved of this action, 
and in May, 1904, the following Ordinance was promulgated : — 

Ordinance No. 6. 
For the Adjustment of Taiso {Landowner^) Rights. 
Art. I. — The Taiso Rights which were granted by virtue of 
Ordinance No. 9, which was issued in 1903, are hereby declared 



r 



REAL ESTATE AND TENANTS' RIGHTS 131 

null and void. Those Taiso Rights which become valid after 
the coming into force of this Ordinance, are regajded as having 
become valid at the date of the coming into force of this 
Ordinance, but these rights shall not be used before they do 
become valid. 

Art, 2. — The Government shall pay an indemnity to those 
persons whose Taiso Rights become void by virtue of the pre- 
ceding article, or to their successors. 

Art. 3.— *This indemnity shall be paid in Loan Bonds to be 
issued by virtue of the Law of Formosan Works Loan, but odd 
amounts which are too small to be paid in bonds shall be paid 
in cash. 

Art. 4. — The amount of the indemnity shall be determined 
by multiplying the amount of the Taiso Rent hitherto paid by 
a rate to be fixed by the Govern or- General. 

Art. 5. — In regard to the Tithe Taiso Rents and their 
variations, the amount received in an average year shall be the 
amount of the Taiso Rent referred to in the preceding article. 

Art. 6. — The Governor-General shall publish a list of the 
names of those whose Taiso Rights have become valid, together 
with the amount of the indemnity to be paid in each case. 

Art. 7. — Those who desire to receive the indemnity must 
apply to the Governor- General within six months from the 
date of the publication of their names and the indenmity 
amounts in accordance with the foregoing article. 

Art 8.— Any one who fails to apply within the period 
prescribed in the preceding article forfeits all claim to the 
indemnity. 

Art. 9. — The owners of such Taiso Rights, as have hitherto 
been paid annually, are hereby authorised to collect their Taiso 
Rent for the first six months of 1904, and the owners of such 
Taiso Rights as have been paid semi-annually may abo do 
likewise. 

Art. 10. — Any regulations which may be found necessary 
as supplementary to this Ordinance shall be issued by the 
Governor-General. 

This Ordinance shall come into force on the ist of June, 1904. 

In accordance with the above ordinance, the Formosan 
Government purchased the landowners' rights to the value of 
9* 



L 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

Yen 3,673,436, issuing loan bonds to the amount of Yen 
4,080,485. Thus the Taiso Right, which had for three hundred 
years been the foundation of the land system in Formosa, was 
abohshed, and the tenants came to enjoy the absolute owner- 
ship of the land which they or their ancestors had been farm- 
ing for three centuries. Such a change certainly amounted to a 
social revolution. Most of the revolutions recorded in history 
required sacrifices, but the present one was entirely bloodless. 
This change has given the tenant absolute ownership, thus in- 
suring security of property, and saving much unnecessary 
trouble in the payment of taxes. The landowners have re- 
ceived an equal benefit, for now there is little likelihood of their 
being cheated by cunning and unscrupulous tenants, and hav- 
ing to pay taxes to the Government for fields which bring 
them in no rents. With a goodly bundle of Government bonds 
secure in their cash-boxes, they can spend the rest of their lives 
in happy retirement. 

In short, this change has not only effectually closed those 
avenues which, as long as they were open, always lured the 
needy tenant to lay himself out to cheat his landlord; it has 
also ensured security of landed property, so that capitalists can 
now invest in Formosan land without any qualms. These 
benefits will. I believe, be permanent. 

Though the relations which have hitherto existed in For- 
mosa were legally those which existed between a landlord and 
his tenants, practically they were those of a feudal lord and his 
vassals. The former Daimyos of Japan held their territories 
by right of occupation, or by right of inheritance, while the 
common people were mere tenants. At length, however, the 
real ownership of the land passed into the hands of the people, 
the feudal lords merely retaining the power to impose taxes 
upon the people. The old independent Formosan landowners 
have now abandoned their ancestral rights of occupation, and 
have, instead, received Government securities. History repeats 
itself; what was accomplished in Japan a few years after the 
Restoration has now taken place in Formosa, 



CHAPTER V!. 

FINANCE AND ECONOMY. 

Tlic importance of finance — Relations between the iiiolher-country and her 
colonies — The burden of Formosa— Table of incomes and subsidies — For- 
mosa's financial emancipation — A comparison between Formosa and French 
Indo-China— Japanese and Formosan taxes compared^Reasons for For- 
mosa's heavy taxation — Special expenditure — Japan's profits from Formosa 
— Table of expenditures and loans — ^Redempiion of the Loan Bonds^ 
Qovemmenl taxation policy — Estimated income and expenditures lor 1903 
— Rates of land tax-^Tax on tea — Systems of taxation in French and 
British colonies — ^Revised land tax rates. 

The most important question in the life of a nation ts the 
supply of food and clothing for its subjects ; for this reason the 
success of an administration must be gained by its financial 
success. However pretentious a policy it may adopt, no ad- 
ministration can look for long-continued success unless its 
finances are skilfully managed, and placed upon a firm basis. 
Some scholars say that ancient Rome fell because she failed in 
this respect It has also been said that the fall of the Tolni- 
gawa Shogunate in more recent times was really due to the 
financial mistakes made by the Central Government, and that 
the revolutionary war began in the Government exchequer, not 
with the battles of Toba and Fushimi. 

Colonies are not drawn towards the mother-country by 
historical associations or by a desire to be ruled over by the 
same sovereign. They can be only attracted by the hope of 
mutual profit, and a colonial administration can succeed only 
so far as its finances arc wisely ordered. 

Many people say that it was the despotic behaviour of the 
priests which recently involved Spain in the loss of nearly all her 
colonies, but I believe her financial blunders were the real cause. 
Under these conditions a student of colonial enterprise should 
desire first of all to examine a nation's financial organisation. 

When Formosa first passed into our possession in 189S, 



134 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA ^B 

tte Hhnd was tn socb a dtsturbod state that it was quite iin> 
I ptmAte to fono an accurate estimate of her ftnancial strength ; 
I tut ft was ertirnated that she would require an income of Yen 
ytffi^OfiOa. of which not more than Yen 2,710,000 could be 
[ failed in tbe island by taxation, tbe remaining Yen 6,940,000 
having to be lupplied by Japan. Those who were interested 
in the nation's welfare feared greatly for the future of tbe 
iiUnd, and were sadly diibeartened at the terrible burden 
Japan had assumed, though some of them agreed that it was 
qiu'te unavoidable, seeing that it was our first colonizing at- 
[ tempt They were hopeful that the burden would grow less as 
' yarn passed on, but in the Estimates for 1 897, though the taxes 
I to be collected in Formosa had risen to Yen 5,320,000, the ex- 
penses of the Government were put down at Yen 1 [,38o.ooO, 
and there still remained a dcfidtof Yen 5,960,00010 be obtained 
[ from the Home Government. If such a question were brought 
I Up tOKlay, it would certainly give rise to prolonged discussion, 
' but as the people were elated with their successes over China, 
the Estimates {lasscd the Diet without much difficulty. 

Since thai date the island's income has steadily grown, 
and the subsidies from Japan have decreased. It was expected 
that until 1909 Formosa would continue to be a drain upon 
the lm|>eTial Trea.sury. She has, however, belied these ex- 
pectations; in 1904 she retained only Yen 700,000 out of the 
Yen 1.496,115 voted by the Diet, returning the remainder to 
Japan, and since that time has become entirely self-supporting, 
though her expenditure has risen to over Yen 20,000,000. 
T\m wonderful progress shows how extremely successful has 
been the financial policy of the colonial administration. 

ESTIMATED INCOME OP FORMOSA FROM iSg6-i9D4 (IN YEN). 



.«, 






SulHidlt* 








from JWUL 


Towl, 


I««l 


a.7io.tx)0 








z 










7.634.498 








IBM 




S.aoo.ooo 


3,000,000 




1900 


14.171,084 


j.500,000 


a.S98,6l. 


32,269,695 


IflOl 


ia.Si5.ae» 




a.386,689 




190a 




4,74".ooO 


2,459763 




1903 


13,509.018 








'Vi 


17,144. loa 


4.*»9.<»3 


700,000 


M.333."S 



FINANCE AND ECONOMY 



'35 

It will be seen from the above table that the income for 
1902 was estimated to produce more than four times as much 
as that (or 1896, but this is partially accounted for by the fact 
that in 1896 and 1S97 the local taxes were \-er)- small owing 
to the disturbed state of the island, and were not included in 
the Estimates. As the income increased year by >'car, the 
subsidy from Japan, which was o\-er Yen 6.940.000 in 1896^ 1 
dropped to Yen 2,450,000 in 1902, and to Yen 700,000 in 
1904, none at all being required in 1905- Those who feared 
that Japan would be heavily burdened each year must have j 
greatly rejoiced at this happy result, for the total sum assigned 
to Fonnosa during these nine years was only about Yen 
3o,soo,ooa 

After o\-er twenty >'ears" occupation, the subsidy which 
France granted to Indo-China amounted for eight years (1887- 
1895)10 francs 750.000.000 (Yen 300,000,000), together with 
Public Loan Bonds worth francs 80,000,000. When French 
Indo-China recently became able to support herself without 
extraneous help, France rejoiced greatly and hailed the event 
as the dawn of a new era in colonization effort. The Times 
too expressed its admiration, and said the result showed what 
great talent the French had for colonizing. But Formosji \ 
only nine and a half years in our possession before she became | 
self-supporting, and she only required assistance to the extent 
of Veil 30,000.000 altogether. What would the French have 
said if Indo-China had done likewise? 

The population of French Indo-China is 18,230,000. The 
income of the Governor- General's Office is 65,000,000 francs, 
and that of the local offices 32,000,000 francs approximately, 
equal altogether to Yen 38,800,000, making Yen 2X)2 per 
capita. In Formosa each person pays on an average 70 sen 
as local tax, and Yen 385 as Central Government tax, making 
Yen 4SS per capita. In Formosa, too, over Yen z,ooo,ooo 
are raised annually from the camphor, salt and opium mono- 
polies, but no part of this can be called a direct tax, and for 
that reason is not included in the abo\'e figures. The revenue 
derived from these sources is so large because by virtue of the 
monopoly Japan is practically able to control the prices for 
camphor. 

If we compare the above figures with the amounts paid in 



136 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



taxes by the people of Japan, we see that, according to the 
estimates made before our war with Russia, each person paid 
Ven 2-i6 as local tax It should be noted that in Formosa 
the business tax is included among the local taxes, and so it 
is included here in order to facilitate the comparison. The 
total sum paid per capita in Japan for all taxes is Yen 334. 
which shows that the rate in Formosa averages Yen V2\ more 
than in Japan, and Yen 3'S3 more than in French Indo-China. 
If the people of Japan were taxed at the same rate as those 
in Formosa, the taxes would yield Yen 202,920,000 every 
year; in other words, an additional tax of Yen 60.000,000 
might be imposed ; but if such an addition, or even a much 
smaller one, were proposed, there would arise such an outcry 
as to render the scheme practically unworkable. 

Taking this into consideration, it is easy to understand why 
it is best that the taxation laws in Formasa should be different 
from those in Japan, and why the island should be to that extent 
independent. When I was there, some Formosans told me that 
the taxes were heavier then than they were under the Chinese 
r^'me. Isaidtothem: " It is possible the taxes may have been 
less at that time than now; but didn't you also have to give 
presents to the officials ? " " Oh, yes," they said ; " the practice 
was common among the rich families only, who did not mind, 
because degrees of rank or official titles were conferred on them 
in return." When I asked them what difference there was be- 
tween the taxation at present and that which they had to pay 
during the brigand troubles, when many of them paid taxes not 
only to the Japanese authorities, but also to the brigands, they 
only smiled. I went on to show them why the taxation was 
heavy, and reminded them that the railroad had been built, 
new roads made, life and property secured, etc, etc. They had 
already realized their many advantages, and were satisfied. 
Though Formosa is certainly more heavily taxed than she used 
to be by the Chinese authorities, there are good reasons why 
the people should pay more now than before ; the farmers re- 
ceive much higher prices for their rice, wages are higher, and 
the opportunities for making large profits in business are vastly 
increased. A large number of the people are still ignorant of 
our true purposes, still in 1902 there were only 7,524 persons 
who should have paid taxes amounting altogether to Yen 33,862, 



I 

I 



FINANCE AND ECONOMY 



137 



and from whom the authoriries could obtain nothing ; and 166 
persons who paid taxes amounting to Yen 7,182, after having 
been proceeded against These figures are very small com- 
pared with Japan, where in the same year, 1902, the sum of 
Yen 805,332, payable by 220,232 persons, was obtained only 
through the courts, and 313,758 persons, who should have paid 
Yen 562,866 altcgcther, paid nothing whatever. 

The income given in the table above is for the ordinary 
expenses of the Government, and therefore for special expenses 
resort must be had to other sources of revenue. These are : — 

1. The Public Loan Bonds which up to 1902 amounted to 
18,300,000. Japan accepts noresponsibilitywhatever for these; 
they are to be repaid by Formosa out of her own income. 

2. Subsidies from Japan, Up to 1902 these amounted alto- 
gether to Yen 27,320,000. These two sources of revenue pro- 
duced up to 1902 the sum of Yen 45,620,000 altogether. From 
the commencement of our occupation till 1902 the amount re- 
quired for railway building, harbour construction, telegraph 
extension, and civil engineering works was Yen 32,350,000, 
leaving only Yen 13,270,000 for other purposes. Although it 
is well to carry on the administration as economically as pos- 
sible, yet in a country requiring to be developed it is a great 
mistake for the Government to economise too much, and thus 
delay undertakings which are absolutely necessary for the im- 
provement of the land, The authorities should press forward 
improvements, practising economy in other directions. Such 
is the policy adopted by our Government in Formosa. 

Though Yen 30,000,000 seems a small subsidy for Japan to 
grant to her colony, still, even if it were entirely lost, would it 
not really be a most profitable investment ? In 1897 the im- 
ports from Japan were Yen 3,730,000, and the exports to 
Japan Yen 2,100,000, making a total of Yen 5,820,000. In 
1 904 the imports amounted to Yen i o, 1 50,000, and the exports 
to Yen 10,430,000, a total of Yen 20,580,000, which is more 
than three times what they were seven years before. The 
total imports and exports from Japan during these eight years 
was over Yen 1 1 3,000,000. Upon a moderate calculation, 
Japan's profit upon this was no doubt not less than 15 per 
cent, that is to say, some Yen 16,950,000. Moreover, by means 
of the Fonnosan camphor monopoly the Japanese camphor in- 



jy 



'38 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



diistry, which bad almost died out, was revived, and in the four 
years from 1899-1902 brought Japan a profit of Yen 1,850,000. 

I do not therefore think it any exaggeration to say that the 
total profit which accrued to Japan from Formosa during these 
eight years was Yen 18,800,000. If we subtract this amount 
from Yen 27,320,000, the amount of the Formosan subsidies 
up to 1902, there is a loss to Japan of only Yen 8,500,000. 
Let us however suppose that the subsidies are a capital fund, 
then Yen 18,800,000 is equal to something over 66 per cent, 
interest upon that capital, that is to say, an average of 8 per 
cent per annum during the past eight years, amounting to over 

II per cent in 1904. The last subsidy was paid in 1904, and 
Formosa is now self-supporting. On the other hand, Japan's 
gains from trade with the island are increasing every year. If 
the trade continues to grow as it has done during the last six 
or seven years, Japan will by about the year 1910 have re- 
ceived back an equivalent of all the subsidies, together with the 
interest upon them. From that time Japan will have reached 
the goal of colonial enterprise, and be able to look to her colony 
for substantial support. 

The Formosan estimates have actually been prepared for 
twenty years ahead, that is to say, up to 1922. They show an 
increase in revenue from new taxes and industrial improve- 
ments. The current expenses will, it is hoped, be less, as some 
of the special undertakings now in progress will by that time 
have been completed. It is calculated that in I910, without 
any subsidy from Japan, and without paying anything towards 
the Public Loan Bonds, the revenue will amount to Yen 
17,580,000, and the expenditure to Yen 13,560,000, leaving a 
surplus of Yen 4,000,000. In 1922 the revenue is estimated at 
Yen 18,670,000, and the expenditure at Yen 12,470,000, leaving 
a balance of Yen 6,200,000, thus furnishing sufficient funds to 
redeem the whole of the Public Loan Bonds. 




FIKANCE AND ECOKOMY 









M.MMM 



11^78^77 



•scsr 



taas 



yMotnS 



itMgtt 



ft,>aDjJ 






5*4*. »• 



ifiS. 






•33 



It will be interesting to see upon wbit sources of fatcome 
the Formosan authorities had to depend when they made the 
abox-v calculations. The general idea in Japun » thiit (be 
Government can at any time raise any money that is required, 
b>- increased taxation. But itot so Jn Fonnosa. As thern^! 
exists in the island a %-ery strong prejudice against the tiuctnf I 
of anything but arable and forest lands, the authorities never ™ 
impose taxes upon accumulated wealth, rather turning their 
attention to new undertakings. These taxes are levied, not 
only upon Formosans, but also upon those foreigners who have 
direct dealmgs with the Formosans. The authorities hnvs _ 
therefore adopted the polic}' of State mtcrprises, and h 
monopolised camphor, opium and salt They can now tmln H 
ad\'anti^e of their monopoly, and by changing the market 
prices of these articles, derive from them a stated part of the 
revenue. This policy has been very successful, the lliree above 
mentioned articles now forming a substantial asset. 




JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

ESTIMATED ACCOUNTS OF FORMOSA (IN VEN) FOR THE 
YEAR 190J. 
Revenue. 
Tixec— 

Land tax 861,791 

Tea-t^iing 40I.757 

ULning 3l,zSl 

Conlracl 107,724 

Exporu to Japan and FormOMn Port* "-o?? 

Sugai contumpiion 669,419 

1,094,049 

Ciutoiii duiiex — 

E"TWt» 323.414 

impotl dulies ti*75>753 

i.499.«<*7 

Tonnage duet i5>306 

Ptosa Govcmmenl piopertiei and enterpriiea : — 

Po«t and tdegiaph 618,307 

Salt monopoly 740.411 

Camphor monopoly 1,3^5.329 

Opium monopoly 3i9t7.o86 

Foietn 150,37a 

Hoipitals 90i479 

Rkilroad ........ 721,500 

Priioners' work 16,070 

Rent! of Government land .... 216,341 

Hire of GoveinracDI huum, etc. . . 6.184 

8.873.079 

Revenue stamps 7i.i5> 

Permits and licencce >ii90i 

M iscel laneo ua — 

Ciuioms' sundries 17,640 

Fines and confiscated pioperiy . . . 22,770 

For Oovenuncni property injured 33,917 

Sundries 11,704 

SM4I 

Special Revenue — 

Sale of Govcmmenl property .... SiSS6 

Subsidy fiom Japan 1.459.763 

Public loan bonds 4.740,000 

7.it>5,3>9 

Total 19,856,014 

EXFEHDITURI. 

Ordinary expenditure — 

Formosan shrine iS.ooo 

Governor-General's office .... 681,313 

Law courts 3ll'l94 

Local ofRces 703i93i 

Police department 1.689,615 

Training police and jailer* .... 105,640 

Prison eipenKW 541.553 

Hospitals ^59.759 

Medical schools 39.791 

Custom houBes. ...... 173.773 

Communications department .... 1,051,311 

Observatories 15.379 



FINANCE AND ECONOMY 141 

Otdtnai? Expenditure (fjatwiMii) — 

LighihouMs, buoys, etc S^^j 

Maibour qumntine *5>7«B 

Boats snd boatioen 1)^7 

Telephone eiclunge 44-M' 

Pornosan Gi^einiiienl railway wotb . 810,7^1 

Hoaopoly office 3.(^39>SS* 

Repaj^nt of Formosan public loan bonds i.jjotooo 

Stamps, etc 9S 

Amounts overpaid ...... S|(MO 

Emergency ctuiitabic fand .... 50^000 

Reserve toad 400/wa 

l*.«45.*4i 

Speoml expenditure — 

Railroad, harbour construction, land survey 

and jailers' residences 4.000,000 

Public works 5l9.)tl3 

Improving and encouraging the manu&ctutc 

of sugar 148,019 

Sending goods to exhibition al Osaka . . C.ooo 

Preventioo of animal diseases .... I5i000 

Sanitary Bureau 40.ona 

Industrial works X40.000 

Editing expenses 'J<73) 

Rewards for capturing brigands . 3S.<x>o 

Various suhvdies 667,000 

Railway material toa,oaa 

St. Louis International Exposition . . 3S>ooa 

Pievenlion of pest 4I1SS0 

5.873.684 

Balance to credit of account 1,736,887 

Total 1g.3j6.014 

A study of the above estiniates will reveal the fact that 
indirect taxation is the chief source of revenue, the authorities 
finding it very difficult to raise direct taxes. The taxes on 
farm land have not been increased since the time of the Chinese 
occupation. Cultivated land is divided into several different 
classes, which are taxed as under : — 

RATES OF ANNUAL LAND TAX IN YEN IMPOSED ON FORMOSAN 

FIELDS PER KO. 

(One Ko equals 2-4 acres,) 






Fjiddy Fields. 


PIsBUllwu 

■AdGu4*u. 


Class i . . . 


4746 


3S81 




1 




3» 




1 


ao 






3 


56 










t«34 










.. 7 ■ ■ ■ 


foas 


■6.5 



142 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



Paddy fields which are entered under Class i will in the 
neighbourhood of Taihoku yield two crops of unhulled rice a 
year, giving each time about forty bushels per acre. Such land 
is worth from Yen 600 to Yen 1,300 per Ko near Taihoku, and 
from Yen 500 to Yen 600 near Taichu. In such districts as 
Toroku, where but one crop is obtainable each year, it would 
fetch only about Yen 150. The prices vary too much in For- 
mosa to allow a comparison with those of Japan. Land in 
Japan worth 400 or 500 Yen is taxed to the amount of Yen 19, 
so there is plenty of room for raising the land tax rates in 
Formosa. 

On tea there is a tax of Yen 2*40 per 100 lb., a registration 
tax of 3 per cent, on sale prices, and a tax of i per cent on 
advances. Export duty is also charged on all tea sent to Japan 
and foreign countries. It will have been noticed that the 
authorities rely not so much on property taxes as upon the 
income gained from monopolies. Thus out of the ordinary 
revenue, which in I903 was estimated at Yen 12,650,695, the 
camphor, salt and opium monopolies yielded nearly Yen 
6,350,000, that is to say, more than half. Such a policy is 
unavoidable in countries like Formosa, where the trade is not 
yet fuUy developed. 

In French Indo-China the Government relies chiefly upon 
monopolies, dividing the revenue into two parts. That derived 
from indirect taxes is applied to meet the expenses of the 
Governor-General's Oflice, while that resulting from direct 
taxes is used by the local offices. In Tunis the revenue from 
Government monopolies is 7,800,000 francs, forming one 
quarter of the whole income, and equalling the amount derived 
from direct taxes. In Algeria the revenue from monopolies is 
more than ten times the amount of that derived from direct 
taxes. Not a few of the Briti.sh ^ricultural colonies in the 
tropics adopt a similar financial policy, but in Singapore and 
Hong Kong the house tax and land tax arc the principal 
sources of revenue, In Hong Kong all immovable property 
is inspected and revalued every year, as is done here in Japan 
with regard to the income tax, and the tax imposed is 13 per 
cent, of the official valuation. Tonnage dues are also imposed 
and business licences required. With the revenue thus collected 
the authorities are able to pay both the principal and interest 



I 




FINANCE AND ECONOMY 



'43 



of the Public Loan Bonds, leaving a surplus of about ?l3o,cxx) 
each year. In Singapore that part of the city supplied by the 
waterworks is taxed 12 per cent, of the ground rent, while the 
outlying portions pay 9 per cent. This system can be adopted 
in a place like Singapore, where the city forms almost the 
whole of the colony, but in a tropical agricultural colony ^hke 
Formosa some other means of obtaining the necessary revenue 
must be found. 

Just as I was correcting the proofs of the foregoing pages, 
information reached me that the authorities in Formosa had 
issued a Notification (Law No. 12) stating that the land taxes 
were to be raised. This change does not apply for the present 
to either Taito or the Pescadores. The following are the 
revised rates: — 

FORHOSAN REVISED ANNUAL LAND TAX RATES PER KO. 
(lo Yen.) 





P*]dy Fields 


Upl«id Fic!d>. 


Fi^Po„d.. 


ClMB t . . . 


17-80 












15-60 
















5-80 








io'9o 


T30 


3-30 










S'To 


a'30 




















5-fc 


a-6o 


•40 










|-6o 










1-50 


■60 


~ 



From the above table we see that the rates in Formosa are 
almost equal now to those prevailing in Japan. (Written 28th 
February, 1905.) 





Development of the police system — The Triple Guard Bystem — Viscount Koda- 

' le policy — Police organ is2li on ^Thc inullifsrious duties of the police 
— Their superiority over the force in Japan — Their numbera and duties- 
Remuneration — The village elders and their duties. 

I HAVE already, in a preceding chapter, stated that the change 
from the military to the civil administration should be counted 
as one of the chief causes which enabled Formosa to rise to 
her present position, but there is another thing which should 
not be overlooked in considering the prepress of the civil 
administration, that is the development of the police system. 
There are two reasons why this should be specially noted, first, 
because this development was the means of establishing and 
preserving order, and secondly, because the police as organised 
in Formosa differ so widely from those in Japan both in their 
honours and functions. 

When we took possession of Formosa, the military men, as 
is so often the case after a war, held the supreme power and 
arranged the whole of the administration, leaving no room at 
all for the civil branch of the service. After a time, military 
administration passed away and gave place to the civil admin- 
istration. As the military men had become accustomed to hold 
the supreme power, it was hard for them to adapt themselves 
to the change. There were, moreover, 3,000 gendarmes who 
came between the people and the soldiers, claiming much au- 
thority and power. Thus the Formosan people really had 
three masters at the same time, the military, the gendarmes 
and the police. Even if these three had all been united and 
had issued uniform orders, it is doubtful whether those who 
had so recently come under our authority could have borne 



I 
I 



J 



POLICE ADMINISTRATION 



I4S 



the pressure ; but it was quite impossible for them to do so 
when, as sometimes happened, these forces came into collision 
with each other or issued contradictory orders. At such times 
the people were quite at a loss to know whom to obey, and the 
whole island was thrown into confusion and perplexity. It 
would serve no useful purpose to enter in these pages into mi- 
nute particulars of these misunderstandings, it will be sufficient 
to say that innumerable mistakes were made. Of course even 
the authorities themselves were well aware of the serious con- 
sequences which arose from the collisions between these three 
different forces. Govern or- General Nc^i, perceiving that the 
three were so often pulling against each other, introduced what 
was known as "The Triple Guard". Under this plan, the 
army looked after the brigands in the mountains and ravines, 
the police were held responsible for those in the villages, while 
both forces united tc^ether to deal with those who infested 
the intervening districts. Even this arrangement, however, 
failed to bring the three arms of the service into complete 
harmony. The special duty of the police is to protect the 
people. For that reason, the police force should have the op- 
portunity of coming in contact with the people, but unfortun- 
ately, the constant interference of the gendarmes and army 
made this impossible, and the situation became for the police 
a most painful one. One who was well acquainted with the 
conditions of that time, said that what with the army on one 
side and the brigands on the other the police were almost driven 
distracted, and had no heart or strength left for attending to 
their proper duties of protecting the people. They had no time 
to eat or sleep, or even change their clothes, but at the bidding 
of army officers had to rush here and there at a moment's 
notice, armed with revolver and sword. They were so worn 
out that crimes could be committed right under their very 
noses and the perpetrators escape scot free. Small wonder 
then that the Formosans felt unable to rely upon them. 

Formosa is not the only place in the world where collisions 
have occurred between the military and the police. Since the 
Restoration such incidents have taken place more than once in 
Japan. Indeed, in any country the military men are apt after 
a war to meddle with police matters and look upon the police 
as mere tools. 

lo 



146 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

This unsatisfactory state of things continued for a time in 
Formosa, and then the police resumed their proper authority 
and the local government regained its vigour. It is perhaps 
unavoidable that these stages should be passed through ; but, 
if proper advantage be taken of the opportunities offering, the 
period of confusion may be much shortened. It is very gratify- 
ing that Governor-General Viscount Kodama, though he had 
been regarded as a mere soldier, availed himself of the very 
earliest opportunity to put an end to the despotic authority of 
the army. He also reformed the police organisation and the 
civil administration. The army, the police and the gendarmes 
were each relegated to their rightful spheres and were not al- 
lowed to interfere with one another. Moreover, the gendarmes 
were reduced in number each year until at last only one-tenth 
remained, in consequence of these changes, the administrative 
organisation was much simplified, and the police were enabled 
to perform their proper duties of protecting the people. 

During the military administration the police consisted of 
men employed by the War Department. In September, i8g5, 
840 men were employed on probation, 70 a.s police sergeants 
and 770 as police. In March, 1896, when the military was 
replaced by the civil administration, the whole island was 
divided into three prefectures and three districts, 230 police 
sei^eants and 1,200 police being distributed throughout these 
six localities. Again, when in June, 1897, the island was re- 
divided into six prefectures and six districts, the police force 
was raised to 275 police sergeants and 3,100 police. These 
changes really had regard only to the number of officials, the 
institutions and organisation remaining unaltered, and con- 
tinuing much like the Tokyo Government in those respects. 
The present institutions are the outcome of indefatigable en- 
deavours on the part of Viscount Kodama to develop the 
civil administration and reform the police organisation. They 
are the best suited to the conditions of Formosa, and so simi- 
lar in nature and organisation to those in Japan that it will 
be of interest to compare the two. 

At present the island is divided into twenty local govern- 
ment districts, Each one of these has an ordinary civil official 
at its head, under whom there is a General Service Department, 
a Police Department, and a Taxation Department. Thus the 



POLICE ADMINISTRATION 



147 



business of each local government appears to be divided into 
three departments, but in practice it is not. The General 
Service Department and the Taxation Department are power- 
less to carry on their operations without the help of the police, 
and so the whole administration of the island may be said to 
be equally divided between the Police Department and the 
other two departments. At first sight this may seem strange. 
If the police made it their business only to arrest robbers, 
guard the roads and so on, it is obvious they ought not to 
monopoli.se half the business of the local government. But in 
such a primitive country as Formosa the civil and the police 
functions cannot be determined by the standards of civilised 
States, and the police have to attend to many matters outside 
their usual sphere, such as making known the laws, supervising 
the daily life of the people, protecting the camphor workers, at- 
tending to irrigation and engineering works, and superintending 
all other public enterprises and industrial undertakings. With 
a semi -civilised people, law is a meaningless abstraction which 
has no hold on them ; personal prestige and power are every- 
thing. This is the reason why in Formosa the Police Depart- 
ment and the Civil Department have the whole administrative 
business equally divided between them. The head of each 
district is really, so to speak, a police sergeant, and the officers 
under him are all policemen. In name, at least, there is the 
Govern or- General, and the various districts and sections are 
under him ; but, as a matter of fact, the Govern or- General 
only comes in contact with the people through the medium of 
the police. It is the police who personify the Government, 
because it is they who do almost everything for the people, 
attending to taxation, to sanitary matters, and to agricultural 
administration. The case would be different if Formosa did 
not require a patriarchal government ; but if the government 
must be patriarchal, the present police system is the one best 
suited to the requirements of the times. Indeed, some refor- 
mers advocate the adoption of the same system in Japan, and 
say that the police and county offices should be amalgamated, 
and the heads of the county offices should be the chief of police 
as in some German States. Others say that the village mayors 
should have control of the police. These views, or rather shall 
we say plans, are growing rapidly in favour in Japan. 
ro* 



148 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

Thus ihe police system of Formosa differs from the 
ordinary system because the police attend to half the business 
of the civil administration. The special beauty of the For- 
mosan system is that the whole body moves freely at the 
slightest impulse from headquarters. The police system in 
Japan has a good name for its first -class organisation, but, as 
a matter of fact, there is no unity, each part being independent 
of the other. Even in Tokyo the method of procedure fol- 
lowed in one office is quite different from that which would 
be adopted in another. The police belonging to one district 
do not think of arresting criminals in another district; the 
regulations do not allow them to do so. and police super- 
intendents arc very jealous of intrusion on their jurisdiction. 
So, however thorough the organisation may appear, there is 
really but little co-operation, each petty division working in- 
dependently. That is the reason why it is so hard to clear 
the land of robbers, pick-pockets and other e\'il-doers, and 
that they can ply their nefarious trades with impunity all over 
the country. 

The case is quite different in Formosa, because there the 
Governor-General has unified all the functions of the district 
police officers. Intelligence is transmitted freely from one 
part to another, and the relations between the rural offices and 
the central government resemble those existing between the 
hands and the brain. By merely touching the electric bell 
with the tip of his little finger, the Chief of Police can at once 
collect all the police in the different districts. The Formosan 
system is quick and active, and its like is to be seen nowhere 
else. What some European reformers are only beginning to 
advocate has already been put into practice in Formosa, and in 
this respect 1 believe Japan has much to learn from her island 
colony. 

At present there are in Formosa 1 85 police sergeants, 278 
lieutenant sergeants and 3,319 policemen, 47 of whom can 
serve as interpreters when occasion arises ; also a force of gen- 
darmes consisting of r8 non-commissioned and other officers 
and 213 privates, so that the total force of both branches is 
only 4,013 men. Comparing these figures with the force em- 
ployed in 1897, we see that at that time there were 3,408 
gendarmes, consisting of 99 officers, 565 non-commissioned 



POLrCE ADMINISTRATION 



i« 



ofikws sad 2,744 privates. In addition to these 5,375 police 
sergeants and police were cmploywl Thus the total foroe then 
Durabcred 6,785. The present foree is tbcreToce only about 
bair the former, and the gendarmes aie less than a tenth as 
numerous as they were. 

This com para ti\-ety small body not only protects life and 
property throi^out the island, but also supervises the collec- 
tion of taxes, sanitation, education, agriculture and so fortK 
The duties of the police are rtot so simple as in Ja(mn, for in 
addition to the duties already mentioned they have in Formosa 
to see that the opium laws are carried out. to superintend the 
unpaid Chinese vill;^ elders, to give immediate decisions in 
all cases of crime where the penally imposed would not e x ceed 
imprisonment for three months with hard labour or a fine of 
Yen icx); to superintend the landing of Chinese immigrants, 
and particularly where there are no licensed bouses of iU-fame, 
to w-atch the health of fallen women. In addition to all the 
above they arc also responsible for communications between 
the savages and the rest of the inhabitants. Considering all 
these manifold duties we must say that the force is hard worked. 

In the capital, Taihoku, there is a training school for police- 
men and jailers, where the new recruits receive four or five 
months' training in their duties. The aim of this institution is 
not merely to give the police that knowIe<1ge which is neces- 
sary for a right fulfilment of their duties, but also to improve 
their bearing and character. In this respect, 1 believe, the 
Taihoku training school is superior to the one in Tok>'o. For, 
in Tokyo, ordinary students no sooner finish the usual police 
course than they are provided with sword and uniform and go 
and stand about the streets, but, as there is no provision what- 
ever for training their characters, those who were sluggards 
when they entered the school are still sluggards when they 
leave it, and remain sluggards to the very end of their days. 
Soldiers do not go into barracks merely to learn how to shoot, 
but to have their whole characters moulded, and. in the same 
way, the training school should mould the characters of the 
police, and the authorities in charge should not rest satisfied 
with giving them merely an ordinary police training. In For- 
mosa the police after serving one year re-enter the training 
school for one year to take an advanced course, after finishing 



ISO 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



which they become police sergeants. There is also an optional 
course in the languages of the island, which a large number 
take, as those who know the vernacular receive special rewards. 
In this way the Government and the people are broi^ht closer 
together. 

As the authorities take so much pains properly to select 
and train the policemen they employ, it is satisfactory to know 
that the general tone and character of the force has much im- 
proved compared with what it was a few years ago, and that 
in consequence the people have learned to rely upon the police 
for help whenever emergencies arise. If all the police in the 
island had been trained at the training school the improvement 
would be still more striking. The authorities have also given 
much attention to the salary question. Though at present a 
policeman in Formosa receives just about the same amount as 
his brother worker in Japan, he has a special extra monthly 
allowance of Yen 12 to Yen 16, thus receiving on the average 
about Yen 362 a year, which enables him to live quite comfort- 
ably. Those who guard the savage border receive somewhat 
larger salaries, but it is a thousand pities that, when one is 
killed by the savages while dischai^ing his duties, his relatives 
merely receive Yen 20 for funeral expenses and a solatium of 
Yen 100. It seems to me that they should receive at least 
as much as the relations of soldiers would under similar circum- 
stances. If, however, the resources of the country will not 
suffer the authorities to be so liberal, I would surest that the 
Formosan Society should hold a great Charity Bazaar in Tokyo 
and raise a substantial relief fund for this most deserving object. 

In addition to the Japanese members of the force, the 
authorities also employ a number of Formosans as sub-police- 
men. Their services are of great use, as they are well acquainted 
with the circumstances and condition of their fellow-country- 
men. They number at present 1,398 in all. 

Our study of the Formosan Police System would not be 
complete if we overlooked the Chinese village elder system, an 
ancient system of self-government which Chinese statesmen for 
several hundred years have looked upon as the only means for 
maintaining order and for enabling the people to grow stronger 
and richer. But though it wa-s thought so highly of, it did not 
prove satisfactory in Formosa until Viscount Kodama had in- 



POLICE ADMINISTRATION 



151 



troduced some important changes. Since then it has proved a 
^■ery useful factor in preventing offences, detecting crime, collect- 
ing taxes, and even assisting greatly in putting down the 
brigands. It is also due to this system that, though the 
Formosans are rather heavily taxed, comparatively few fail to 
pay. It was wise of the Chinese statesmen to pay attention to 
this system, but they failed to perceive that if it is to work 
thoroughly well, the Government must be strong enough 
efficiently to back up the village elders. But under the Chinese, 
these poor men were like sheep attempting to fight with fierce 
tigers, and were worsted every time. On them was placed the 
heavy duty of preventing crimes, but they had no fighting power, 
and knew it was utterly fruitless to turn for help to the weak and 
effete Government which pretended to rule the country. But 
now the system, after being much strengthened, has been 
adopted in Formosa, and the Pormosan Chinese are glad to pro- 
tect their own houses themselves. This is a material help to 
the police. Does not this show how firmly the power of our 
Government is established, and how fully the people themselves 
recognise the fact ? 

The present system is founded on the plan set forth several 
hundred years ago, and has been adapted to suit the present re- 
quirements. In normal times, it is the duty of the village elder 
to maintain the peace of the neighbourhood, to keep a record 
of the houses and population in his district, to keep track of all 
new-comers as also of any of his residents who move elsewhere, 
to reprove unruly and immoral young men, and make the people 
acquainted with all new laws and regulations that may be made. 
In time of war, it is their duty to see that their people lend one 
another mutual support, make ready their guns and spears and 
swords, and, in short, prepare for every emergency. The re- 
gulations in regard to village elders were issued by our author- 
ities in 1898. In accordance with these regulations, the popula- 
tion whether in towns or villages is divided into groups of ten 
families, and ten of these groups constitute one division. This 
is the standard, but the number varies according to circum- 
stances. In no case, however, can a group consist of less than 
five or more than fifteen families, and in the same way a division 
must be not less than five or more than fifteen groups. Japanese 
and foreigners are excluded from membership. The village 



152 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

elder who is at the head of the division is elected by the 
families composing it, and the same plan is followed with regard 
to the election of the elder who is at the head of the group. 
Both these positions are purely honorary, no remuneration 
being given, and all business is transacted in the elder's own 
house. 

In connection with the above organisations, bands of strong 
able men, from seventeen to fifty years of age, are gathered from 
five or six divisions at the rate of ten men from each division. 
These bands are intended to defend the districts against robbers 
or savages. The men receive no stated pay for their services, 
but some localities give something towards their food. In case 
criminals escape the watchful eyes of the village elder, the people 
of the group or division are all fined. Accordingly all do their 
utmost to put down crime, and the hearts of all are greatly 
strengthened and encouraged. Thus the work of the authorities 
in putting down the brigands has been greatly facilitated. If, 
some day in the future, self-government is introduced, I believe 
it will be found that this village elder system has had no little 
part in preparing the way for it. 



I 



CHAPTER VIII. 

THE OPIUM MONOPOLY- 

Elcctric tight in Taihoku — Tbe Monopoly Bureau and factory— Scarcity of 
opium smokers among the workmen — Opium in China — Opium introduced 
into Formosa— Japanese Government inclined to prohibition — Baton 
Goto'« arivice — Monopoly policy adopted — Monopoly regulations— Initial 
difficulties — Adjusting the manufacture of opium — Gradual growth of Stale 
enterprises- England's example— Japan follows suit- The people's attitude 
towards the opium regulations — Improvement in methods of manuUcture — 
Some figures about opium— Average consuroplion per head — Table of 
oScnderB and those who drop the habit — ^Reaions for abandoning opium — 
Evil eflccu of opium. 

Although the general scale of living has improved more 
rapidly in Japan during the last thirty or forty years than in 
any other Oriental country, we still have a large number of 
cities and towns which do not yet enjoy the privilege of being 
lighted either with gas or electricity. I was much surprised 
and pleased, therefore, to find all the offices and official re- 
sidences in Taihoku brilliantly lighted with electricity, and 
asked one of my friends there how it was an electric light 
company had been established there so soon. To my amaze- 
ment be said : " We have no electric light company. The 
Colonial Government requires steam for the Opium Monopoly 
factory, and the power not used for that purpose runs an 
electric light plant and lights the offices and official residences." 
The following day I went to the Opium Monopoly Board 
to see the works. The office is situated outside the southern 
gate of the old castle. No one is allowed to import it from 
abroad or to sell opium without special licence from the Board, 
nor can it be purchased except from licensed dealers. When I 
visited the office an official showed me both Indian opium, 
which looks like the fruit of Trachycarpus Fortunei, and Persian 
opium, which resembles a bundle of incense sticks. He ex- 



154 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

plained to me the spedal qualities of both varieties. He then 
took me to the factory, where ! saw several Japanese and a 
targe number of Formosan Chinese manufacturing opium paste. 
Some were crushing the raw material, others were steaming 
the crushed opium in vats, and others weic adding wine and 
botting it, others were giving a relj^ih to it as it was passed into 
pota throu^ pipes. Another group was busily engaged put- 
ting the finished opium into tins, while others were pasting on 
labcU. The whole factory was so silent that no sound could 
be heard except the bubbling of the opium. Noticing that the 
room waa full of a disagreeable smell which reminded me <rf 
burning aconite, I thought opium smoke must have a similar 
odour. 

I asked the official who was showing me round whether the 
workmen, obliged as they were to work so long in such an 
atmosphere, did not some of them become opium smokers. 
" Odd as it may »ccm, it is a fact that there is not a single 
opium smoker among all our 300 workmen," he replied. I 
heard later that among the 50,000 Japanese who live in 
Formosa, only one in the Shinko District, two in the Taito 
IJistrict, and one in the Taihoku District are habitual smokers. 
There is also one in the Toroku District who is suspected of 
being an opium smoker. When I heard this I could not help 
feeling proud of my race, 

For a long time the Chinese have suffered terribly from 
this cursed habit. At first opium was only used as a medicine 
efficacious against certain diseases, but later on it came to be 
indulged in as a stimulant, which carried off hundreds and 
thou.sands of weak mortals. Thus the proverb that "Evil 
comes out of good " is true also in regard to opium. Opium 
is said to have been first brought to China by the Arabs some 
time In the dghth or ninth century. In a poem composed by 
Yong Si-tao, who lived about 850 a.d., we find the following 
verse referring to his ride back over the pass into the province 
of Szechuan : — 

The iiKht of Ihce, loved poppy flower, 

Ai down the mounlain go'ite I ride, 

H» banished all my joiuney'i pain. 

My IhouBunil miles In sun and lain 

Forgotten straight when thee t spied, 



I 






:e thit glad hour. 



THE OPIUM MONOPOLY 



iSS 



This shows that the opium poppy must have been cultivated 
widely even then in the vast plains of Szechuan. At that time 
the opium was still used only for medical purposes. From the 
statements of physicians who lived about the middle of the 
fourteenth century we learn that it was then considered as an 
efficacious though dangerous medicine. It would seem, there- 
fore, that the pernicious habit of smoking opium commenced i 
to be practised in the fifteenth or sixteenth centuries, and | 
during the present dynasty it has certainly become much more i 
widespread than ever before. 

According to the Chinese Penal Code, the sale of opium is | 
prohibited ; those convicted of infraction are liable to wear the 
cangue for one month and be then sent to serve in the frontier 
guards. Inducing young men of good families to patronise 
opium dens is regarded as an offence similar to that of deceiv- 
ing the people by prop^ating heretical doctrines ; the punish- 
ment is loo lashes and banishment to a lonely place not less 
than 3,000 li from the capital. 

When the people from the maritime provinces of China 
flocked over to Formosa from the end of the Ming dynasty till 
the beginning of the present one, many of them took this bad 
habit of opium smoking along with them. A Formosan 
History contains the following passage: " It is not known 
whence opium comes, but it is prepared by boiling in copper 
vessels. The pipes for smoking it are something like short 
hollow sticks. At first only the worst young men crowded 
into the opium dens to enjoy a smoke at night, but latterly 
the custom has sadly increased. On the tables in the opium 
dens, cakes and fresh fruit are set out beside the opium, so as to 
draw in new-comers who are allowed to smoke free of chaise 
at first. As time passes, the smoking becomes a habit which 
it is almost impossible to shake off. Thus they go regularly 
to the opium dens, and spend all their property in order to 
enjoy every night their corrupt pleasure which excites their 
carnal passions. Though, at first, opium is taken for medical 
purposes, the habit grows so that it is almost impossible to 
cast it off". If a single day be missed, it is extraordinary to 
see how perfectly wretched the opium smoker is ; every attitude, 
every feature of the face, every sentence is a living witness that 
he b in agony. When the craving is satisfied, he i 



156 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

once. Those who have contracted this evil habit die within 
three years. Sad to say there are a great many smokers in 
Amoy and also in Formosa." 

At present, opium seems to be fanatically believed in, for 
the smoke is often blown in the faces of newly-bom children 
to make them utter their first cry. Before Japan took posses- 
sion of Formosa, there were eighty-nine natives and foreigners 
at the various ports who imported this drug. There were also 
sixty or seventy different medicines containing it which were 
used as substitutes whenever the supply of the drug ran short 
Thus opium became almost the national food, and it is easy 
to understand how it is that no amount of punishment will 
stop the evil habit. 

When Formosa came into our possession it was so difficult 
to decide what was the best course to pursue in regard to the 
opium smoking in the island that many even of our most 
eminent statesmen were at their wits' end. It was generally 
believed that the success of our administration in the island 
depended upon the ability of our authorities to solve this pro- 
blem. Public opinion at the time showed that there were three 
great questions before the Formosan authorities, viz.: the 
strict prohibition of opium smoking, the cutting off of the cue 
which so many of the natives wore, and the doing away with 
the barbarous custom of binding the feet of the women. A 
few extreme Radicals insisted that the island was of no use to 
us unless these three things could all be carried out. To at- 
tempt, however, to make a Formosan Chinese give up opium 
smoking would be like attempting to make him stop eating 
and drinking. Rather than submit to such an order he would 
go back to China. But that would mean leaving behind in the 
island not only his relations and friends, but also his property 
and means of livelihood. In this the Republican Government 
and the brigand chiefs found a good opportunity to sow dis- 
cord between the new Government and the natives by blazing 
abroad that we, Japanese, had decided to prohibit opium smoking 
absolutely. If our Government had adopted that policy it would 
have been like pouring oil upon the flames of suspicion, and 
the whole island would at once have burst into such a state 
of conflagration as would have been hard indeed to put out. 

At that time a large majority of the officials in the Home 



J 



THE OPIUM MONOPOLY 



1 57 



Department of the Formosan Bureau favoured the policy of 
strict prohibition, and this dangerous policy was about to be 
adopted by the Government. Fortunately, Baron Goto, who 
was then the Chief of the Sanitary Bureau, addressed a memor- 
andum to the authorities stating that, in his opinion, the policy 
of strict prohibition, though very easy to talk about, would be 
very hard to enforce ; not to prohibit opium smoking would 
be weak, but to attempt to abolish the evil habit at once would 
be a short-sighted policy. He therefore advised that opium 
regulations be enacted for the purpose of limiting the use of 
the drug to those who were already confirmed smokers, and 
thus preventing as far as possible the further spread of the evil 
habit. He recommended that the Government should take up 
the manufacture and import of the drug and only allow For- 
mosan Chinese to sell it, and should also do all in its power, 
both by education and by police regulations, to put an end to 
the habit as soon as possible. 

Seeing that it would be very hard to prohibit the use of the 
drug entirely, the authorities, in accordance with Baron Goto's 
advice, decided to adopt the policy of gradual suppression, and 
as sanitary adviser to the Govern or- General, Baron Goto was 
directed to settle the opium problem. This action set the 
minds of the natives at rest, so that unfounded rumours lost 
their power to excite them. The injury and harm which the 
brigands did were certainly quite bad enough, but the troubles 
would most probably have assumed much more formidable 
proportions had our authorities attempted to stop the use of 
opium at once. Their conciliatory attitude reassured the people 
and greatly lessened the Government's difficulties in putting 
down the brigands. Moreover, opium smoking is being swept 
away step by step, and thus the object aimed at by the strict 
prohibitionists is being achieved. It will be seen from the 
above facts that the opium question constitutes an important 
chapter in the history of our administration in Formosa, 

The opium regulations were issued in January, 1897. The 
following are the more important clauses, vi:;. : — 

Art I. — Opium is a monopoly of the Government. No one 
is allowed either to import or manufacture it No one who has 
not received permission from the proper authorities is allowed 
to sell, buy, deliver, receive or possess opium. All medicines 



iS8 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

compounded with opium for the purpose of producing the same 
effect as opium smoke or opium paste are subject to the same 
restrictions. 

Art, 2. — The Government will grant special licences to habi- 
tual smokers so that they may buy and smoke opium. 

Art, 3. — Any one who imports, manufactures, sells, gives, 
exchanges or lends opium shall be liable to imprisonment with 
hard labour for a term not exceeding five years, or to a fine not 
exceeding 5.000 yen. Any one who prepares from the opium 
paste sold by the Government a mixture with something else^ or 
who sells, buys, gives, lends or exchanges such a mixture, shall 
be liable to imprisonment with hard labour for a term not 
exceeding three years, or to a fine not exceeding 3,000 yen. 

Art. 8. — Any one who cultivates the opium poppy, or is 
found with capsules in his possession, with the object of manu- 
facturing opium, shall be liable to imprisonment with hard 
labour for a tercn not exceeding two years, or to a fine not 
exceeding 2,000 yen. 

Art. 10. — Anyone who smokes opium without a licence shall 
be liable to imprisonment with hard labour for a term not 
exceeding three years, or to a fine not exceeding 3,000 yen. 

Art 14. — Any one who without a licence lends a room or 
requisites for smoking opium shall be liable to a fine not ex- 
ceeding 4,000 yen, or to imprisonment with hard labour for a 
term not exceeding four years. 

In spite of these regulations, as we, Japanese, were new at 
the business of importing and manufacturing opium, confusion 
ensued, and we met with repeated failure and found it well-n^h 
impossible to know how to set to work. In looking back, it is 
hard to keep from laughing or growing angry. Our engineers 
had no way but to learn how to manufacture the opium from 
those Chinese who had been making it up to that time. The 
opium was boiled over small charcoal stoves in iron kettles, 
similar to those which the natives use every day in their cook- 
ing. It was then cooled by being fanned with ordinary fans. 
The factory was so small and dirty that it was quite unfit to be 
an ofiicial building of such a great Empire. In 1897, when 
Marquis Ito came to Taihoku attended by Count Katsura, the 
newly appointed Governor- General, and by Baron Goto, the 
Chief of the Sanitary Bureau, he heaved a great sigh on seeing 



THE OPIUM MONOPOLY 



159 



the opium factory in such a miserable state, and almost thought 
the enterprise was hopeless. 

At that time the Government was guarding the coast very 
carefully. One day one of the coastguards hurried to the 
District Office and reported that some one was attempting to 
smuggle bombs into the island. The officials hastened out to 
look into the matter, but were greatly amused to 6nd that the 
so-called bombs were really balls of solid opium. 

The method of manufacture is now greatly improved. New 
machinery has been imported and installed, and the factory is 
better than the ones to be seen in British India. It was not 
without reason that the American Government, perplexed as to 
how best to deal with the opium question in the Philippines, 
sent commissioners to Formosa for the purpose of investigating 
the manufacture of opium and also the regulations with regard 
to its sale and use. 

Thus the opium question was successfully disposed of both 
from the political and sanitary standpoints. It also promises 
to be a financial success, and shows the wisdom of the policy 
which directs the modem financial system. Sang Hong-yang 
of the Han Dynasty (B.C. 206. A.D. 25) said that when the 
Government engages in business, the profits they make should 
be sufficient to meet the public expenditure without their also 
having to resort to taxes. Wang Nang-shi of the Sung Dy- 
nasty (A.D. 420-478) also stated that the Government should, in 
his opinion, always keep cereals at a uniform low price by 
enacting laws compelling the barbarous tribes to assist in their 
cultivation whenever necessary. But under the pretence that 
they were adding to the national income both these Chinese 
statesmen sought to enrich themselves. Repeated instances of 
this kind have led the Chinese to believe that all undertakings 
which are said to be Government ones are really simply planned 
and carried on by avaricious subjects for their own selfish ends. 
Hand in hand with the European idea of personal freedom and 
individual respectability, the Chinese consider it wrong for the 
Government to undertake any business at all. This belief has 
been strengthened by the fact that the Chinese Government 
has failed in all the enterprises which it has engaged in during 
the last thirty or forty years. A glance at the present under- 
takings of the different powers will however reveal another side 



i6o JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

of the question. The excessive development of the idea of 
personal freedom resulted in constant clashes of individual 
rights and interests, and conflicts between the rights of the 
individual and the public interest. Experience of the evils 
arising out of this led naturally to the merging and combina- 
tion of individual rights in companies or to their transference to 
the State. Thus first companies arose, then syndicates, then 
trusts. Side by side with trusts, municipal concerns were set 
on foot, and State enterprises also came into existence. In 
France, the home and birthplace of liberty, the Government 
monopolises the manufacture and sale both of matches and 
tobacco. Though in England people prefer rather to leave 
things to take their own course, the English Government mono- 
polises the growth and manufacture of opium in India, and 
conducts also a large number of enterprises in her tropical 
colonies. It is surprising also to sec how the towns and cities 
in the United Kingdom are vieing with each other in carrying 
out large commercial enterprises. Many of the metropolitan 
and suburban railroads are municipal concerns. Not content 
with this, the Corporation of Manchester, for example, supplies 
gas and sells soap, oil, coal-tar, grease and candles which it 
manufactures as by-products. The Corporation also distri- 
butes milk, and in certain cases provides the poor with feeding 
bottles for their children. Thus the health of the city has 
improved wonderfully. The example of Manchester has been 
followed by Liverpool, York and Belfast. Cardiff, so cele- 
brated for its coal mines, is engaged in the fish trade with the 
object of providing its citizens with cheap and fresh fish, and 
fish which used to bring 7jd. can now be bought for 5d. 
Similar municipal undertakings are very numerous, showing 
that the world to-day has come to recognise the value of such 
enterprises. 

When, under the Formosan Opium Regulations, the manu- 
facture and importing of opium became a Government mono- 
poly, our authorities were merely following the general trend of 
other nations. The opium income is now one of the principal 
items in our Formosan revenue, and this monopoly is a fore- 
runner of the new policy that a country's finances should be 
based upon the monopoly system rather than upon taxation. 
But our opium enterprise differs from other monopolies in that 



1 



^' -■■ 



aooui i 
I revenui 

I richest 



THE OPIUM MONOPOLY i6i 

c«r object in enforcing it is not to increase the Government in- 
come but to suppress the use of the drug. 

Though a few of the Formosans were dissatisfied with the 
opium regulations, most of the people, who had feared that 
opium smoking would be prohibited altc^ether as soon as ever 
the island passed into our possession, welcomed the regulations 
with pleasure, perceiving our liberal policy in allowing those 
unfortunate individuals who were already habitual smokers to 
continue their vicious indulgence on payment of the licence fee. 
The price of opium has gone up under the monopoly. The 
opium smoker has to pay more for it, and, for a time at least, 
he had the idea that the opium he bought was weaker than 
before. The former importers who, on account of the monopoly, 
had lost the opportunity for making large profits, seized upon 
these two points and, by making the most of them, endeavoured 
to inflame the minds of the natives and induce them to purchase 
the opium which they attempted to smuggle into the island. 
This opium was, however, mostly seized owing to the strict inspec- 
tion which was maintained, and since 1900 it seems as though our 
object in assuming control of the trade had begun to be realized. 

Between 1898 and 1902 much valuable information was 
gained by two official deputations which were sent by the Govern- 
ment to India and Persia to investigate the state of the opium 
market, the methods followed in cultivating the opium poppy 
and in manufacturing opium. At present, each Cho office has 
an experimental opium farm, and the Opium Monopoly Bureau 
is aiming at growing and manufacturing the opium right from 
the very beginning. As the officials of the Bureau have now 
had several years' experience, they have become quite expert, 
and the economical success of the Bureau is now fully assured. 

The Bureau pays out about 4,800,000 yen each year for 
raw material, manufacturing and running expenses. The re- 
ceipts foot up to 5,800,000 yen, thus leaving a balance of i ,ooo,000 
yen as the Government's yearly profits. Although this gain is 
not larger than that accruing from some of the other monopolies, 
it is considerably more than either the Land Tax or the Sugar 
Consumption Tax produce, seeing that the former amounts to 
about 860,000 yen, and the latter to 700,000 yen. The opium 
revenue therefore well deserves to be called one of the island's 
richest resources. It is indeed very satisfactory that the 



162 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

monopoly, started as it was, not for the purpose of revenue, but 
to arrest opium smoking, should produce such large profits 
merely by the way. The following table shows the weights 
and value of prepared opium sold by the Government agents 
to the Forraosans during the seven years from 1897 to 1903 
inclusive : — 



i Wdgb. m Lb.. 


V.I0. in y«o. 


'5^ ■ 


"94.0M 


t.53 1,887 


.89& . 








1S99 . 
























1902 . 






3,891,106 


1903 . 


330,011 


3.922.5'S 



Judging from the amount thus sold, each opium smoker appears 
to use about thirty-seven grains a day on the average, for which 
he pays slightly over three half-pence; but, as there is more 
or less smuggling and also some sold secretly, it is probable 
that the actual average is slightly higher than is here stated. 
The natives say that coolies who earn twenty sen (fivepencc) 
a day spend three-fourths of it upon opium, using the rest 
for the expenses of their families. The consumption varies 
slightly according to the time of year, being less during April 
and May than in the preceding three months. The wonderful 
hold opium acquires may be seen from the fact that so many 
of the Forraosans spend the greater part of their gains in order 
to gratify this appetite, and also in the fact that, in spite of 
the severe penalties imposed, the number of convictions for 
infractions of the Opium Regulations has steadily increased, 
One reason for this increase is no doubt the ever-increasing 
vigilance of the police, but even so it is a regrettable fact, 

OFFENDERS AGAINST THE OPIUM REGULATIONS. 




v„. 


M„. 


W»n.«. 


Tottl. 


^■. : : : 


tf. 


a? 
18 


495 


1899. . . . 


571 


36 


607 


1900 .... 


844 














190* . . . . 


1,950 




*.078 



THE OPIUM MONOPOLY 



163 



Owing to the rise in the price of opium and also to the severe 
punishments meted out to all who are found violating the 
Opium Reflations, many Formosans have already been im- 
pelled to give up this bad habit. Indeed, over 3,000 did so in 
1902. This is a most encouraging sign. 









LkeOKd SmokBiu 


DntbtorSmoken. 








t8«. . . 


SO.S97 


I.lSl 


1.136 








95<449 


iMSa 




iSqg 








»,76s 


289 










7.3<3» 




1901 








7.9a8 


711 


1903 












1903 . 


133.903 


8,ia5 


«.7>3 



The authorities state that among those who, according to 
the above table, abandoned the use of the drug in 1901 some 
continued to use smuggled opium, while others were induced 
to give up the habit owing to dull trade, the difficulty of making 
a living, or because of their acceptance of the superstitions 
propagated by the Hiran Kohitsukwai, a society which ori- 
ginated in the Pescadores, This society taught that a con- 
firmed opium smoker might be cured in a moment by faith 
in God. Although it is a cause for rejoicing that so many of 
the Formosans gave up the habit of opium smoking on account 
of the efforts of this society, the sudden change would have 
killed most of them but for medical treatment. Though they 
once stopped smoking, their craving for opium could not be re- 
strained, and, as they believe God will punish them if they 
smoke again, their only way of obtaining relief is to take 
morphine or one of the other preparations of opium. I be- 
lieve, however, that those who gave up the habit in 1902 did 
so for other reasons than those stated here. 

A glance at the table given above will show that the death 
rate among opium smokers is exceedingly high. Ail the deaths 
were not directly due to the drug itself; but it is an undoubted 
fact that the majority of them were caused indirectly by the 
physical and cardiac weakness brought on by opium smoking. 
Thus it is seen how poisonous the drug is. Even if it does 
not cause death, despondency, dulness and general moral 



i64 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



deterioration are the inevitable results of indulging in opium 
smoking. 

Inasmuch as this vicious habit cannot be stamped out at 
once, whatever efforts are made to improve the sanitary con- 
ditions of the island, the statistics must always show a hi^ 
death rate among the opium smokers. The authorities have 
taken steps to prevent the increase of this evil, but it would be 
impossible for the ablest statesman to lessen the number of the 
present opium smokers. This can only be achieved by the 
advance of education and the lapse of time. For Japan's own 
sake, for the sake of the Formosans themselves, and for the 
sake of the whole human race, I hope the happy day may 
speedily come when the last opium smoker shall have dis- 
appeared from Formosa. 

As I was correcting and examining the manuscript of the 
foregoing pages, I was informed that the authorities have 
planned to put in a plant driven by water-power to supply 
electric light to the whole city of Taihoku and that the work 
is to be completed by July next, (Written January, 1905.) 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE SALT MONOPOLY. 

The Salt Monopoly and penaJties — The Dutch check the manuEacture of ta1t~ 
The giowth of the industry undei Koxinga. and the Chinese monopoly — 
The abolition of ihe monopoly and its results — The Japanese monopoly — 
Difficulty of fixing the price — Table of pticefl — Improving the manufacture — 
Extension of Ihc business — Good seasons — Table of produaion — Needs of 
Ihe people — Attempts to enter foreign maikels — Salt farmB — Possible de- 
velopment — Coreft's promising market— Japanese salt snpptanted by 



The success the authorities had achieved in connection with 
the Opium Monopoly encouraged them to go a step farther, 
and undertake the monopoly of salt. Accordingly, in April, 
1899, Order No. 7 was issued, by which the salt production 
in the whole island became a Government monopoly. The 
Monopoly Regulations are very much the same as those re- 
lating to the Opium and Camphor Monopolies, with the 
exception that the penalties for infringement are limited to 
fines. 

If there is one thing which ought to be a Government 
monopoly in Formosa, that article is certainly salt. The 
Dutch, who were the first foreigners to occupy Formosa, 
exercised a strong civilising and refining influence on the 
inhabitants, and for this we admire them. We regret, however, 
to find that to benefit the Dutch East India Company which 
supplied Formosa with salt from Batavia, they would not 
allow any salt to be manufactured in the island. Though 
similar regulations were quite common at that time in the 
administration of colonies, the Dutch, in forcing the people of 
Formosa to obtain their supplies of salt from abroad, seem to 
have followed a very short-sighted and cruel policy. 

On the other hand, Koxinga, who wished the island to 
16s 



i66 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

become entirely self-supporting, made a special study of the 
method of producing salt from sea-water by the heat of the 
sun, and induced his subjects by engaging in this industry to 
become independent of supplies from abroad. No taxes were 
placed on salt at this time. This was the commencement of 
the manufacture of salt in Formosa, and the methods generally 
employed there to-day are really only a continuance of his 
system. During the Chine.se occupation salt was taxed, but 
the sale was left in the hands of private merchants until 
1727, when all private manufacture was absolutely prohibited. 
Thereafter there were frequent changes, but the monopoly 
was continued. 

When our Government occupied Formosa, one of the first 
things the authorities did was to abolish the monopoly, every 
one being free to manufacture on his own account. This was 
done in the hope of benefiting the nation, but the results were 
most disappointing. The business suddenly declined, over half 
the men engaged in the work being forced to abandon their 
undertakings. This was due to the fact that the manufacturers, 
who had been accustomed to sell the whole of their output to 
the Government for cash, lost their business when the Govern- 
ment stopped buying, and they looked round in vain for fresh 
customers. Moreover, the large amount of capital which our 
occupation had brought into the island sent wages up to such 
an extent that the salt manufacturers found it quite impossible 
to secure workmen at the ordinary rates. These conditions 
led to a lai^e increase in the salt imports from abroad. Such 
being the case, the Government decided to take the manufac- 
ture into their own hands. 

The large space of ground required for the manufacture of 
salt proved a certain check to illicit enterprise, and its bulk 
stood in the way of extensive smuggling, but the point that 
most troubled the authorities was how to fix the price. As 
the salt in Formosa is manufactured by the heat of the sun, 
the cost of production is very small, including only the wages 
of the workmen, and the interest on the capital invested. 
Wages varied with the value of silver, and so it came about 
that as soon as the authorities thought they had arranged a 
fair price, they found it would not answer. Up to 1902 they 
were obliged to change the price seven times, but now it is 



THE SALT MONOPOLY 167 

believed that a sadsfactory figure, as shown in the following 
table, has been arrived at : — 

Piices paid by the Govemmeni foi crude salt per loo lb. ; — 
Sen. 

Kelung 40 

TamEui 40 

Ynsbako 40 

Rokko 40 

Hateithj 17 

?r.r*'' ■ ■ {"= ;? 

t Oidinary 13I 

Takow 17 

The best way of providing salt for the Japanese residents 
in the island engaged the attention of the authorities for a long 
time. As the Formosan salt is mixed with earth and is 
yellowish black in colour, nobody at the first glance would take 
it for salt. The Japanese, therefore, who had been accustomed 
to snow-white salt, could not use it at all, so for their use the 
authorities imported some from Japan. They also made a 
great effort to improve the appearance of the Formosan pro- 
duct, and they have now succeeded in supplying a better article 
than that from Japan. In 1902 they gave up importing 
Japanese salt, and since that date all the inhabitants of the 
island have been supplied with Formosan salt. There are now 
three districts where the finest salt is manufactured, the 
cheapest quality costing 2 yen, and the dearest 350 yen. 
There are also four districts where the commoner qualities are 
produced, prices varying from Yen 177 to Yen 2'67. In order 
to secure a ready sale for all these various qualities, the Salt 
Monopoly Bureau opened branch offices at the following 
places — Yushako, Hoteishi, Hokumonsho, Tainan and Takow, 
and sub-stations at Onshito, Kakaikanso, Gojoko and Toko. 

The Government made further arrangements for the dis- 
posal of the salt purchased direct from the manufacturers. 
They formed all the salt dealers in the island into one com- 
pany and opened twenty head and seventy-nine branch offices. 
Fearing that even these might not be sufficient to carry the 
sale into out-of-the-way places, they appointed a large number 
of commission agents. In 1902 there were more than 1,000 of 
these agents, and there is now no difficulty in obtaining salt 
anywhere in the island. 



170 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

after supplying the needs of Japan could be shipped to other 
countries. There are also nearly 53,000 acres, at present 
owned by private individuals and utilised for rearing fish, which 
could be used by the Government. With all this land converted 
into salt farms, it is quite possible that Formosa may also some 
day be able to supply most of the salt required in China. 

Just as I was about to finish this chapter, word reached me 
that a new market had been found in Corea. In 19O3 attempts 
to introduce Formosan salt were made by two or three Fusan 
merchants, who, encouraged by their success, have now formed 
themselves into a limited company to carry on the trade. 

Corea has, I believe, in the past been one of the most 
promising markets for Japanese salt. In 1500, over sixty 
vessels loaded with 18,722,254 lb. entered Fusan. But year 
by year Japanese salt has lost favour with the Coreans owing 
to its poor quality, and in 1902 the imports fell to 7,113,481 lb. 
The Coreans are said to dislike it so much, that it is extremely 
unlikely that it will ever recover its old position, and now For- 
mosan salt is taking its place. 

In the end Japanese salt will find its way to other countries, 
and Corea will be supplied from Formosa. Thus two birds 
will be killed with one stone. 



THE SALT MONOPOLY 



169 



100.000,000 lb., a large amount remains over for export after 
fully satisfying the requirements of the islanders. 

Repeated attempts were therefore made to place it on the 
Japanese and foreign markets, but at first without success, the 
dirty appearance of the salt being considered a proof of its 
inferior quality. For along time thejapanese market remained 
closed, but at last its true worth was recognised, and it is now 
generally acknowledged that the superior qualities are far 
better than the best Japanese product. As a result of this 
the demand from Japan has rapidly increased, as may be seen 
from the following table ; — 

SALT DELIVERED TO CONTRACTORS IN JAPAN. 



Y«f. 


WtigbtioLb. 


V.lqeb.Vw, 


tgoo . 

i90t . . . 

1901 . . . 

1903 . . . 

1904 . 


17.181,140 
35.074.057 
73.848.349 
36,666,600 

64,423,800 


"3.196 
'91.944 
394.&» 
81.945 
144.SOO 



It does not, therefore, seetn at all impossible that Japan 
may some day be able to discontinue her present heavy imports 
of salt from Europe, and use Formosan salt instead. 

The salt farms in Formosa at present are of two kinds. 
The lai^er consist of land enclosed by embankments which are 
pierced by ditches to allow the sea-water to enter. These 
ditches lead to the pond where the water is collected for the 
purpose of evaporation. The salt left after evaporation is 
taken to another place, where the process of crystallisation is 
continued with the heat of the sun. The total area of these 
farms is about 1,680 acres. The other consists simply of sands 
which are soaked by the flood tides each month. These farms 
have a total area of nearly 600 acres, but both in structure and 
capacity they are far inferior to the former. 

It has been calculated that there are still 10.000 acres of 
Crown land on the coast which could be used for salt farms, 
and also about 2,000 acres which have already been let out by 
the Government for that purpose, but on which work has not 
yet been commenced. If all this land was utilised, six times 
the present amount could easily be produced, and any excess 



P72 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



tobacco pouches, billiard balls, knife and umbrella handles, and 
deed everything which had before been made of ivory, coral 
Por tortoise-shell now came to be made of celluloid. Moreover, 
camphor is an essential ingredient in the manufacture of smoke- 
less powder — one of the most important materials in modem 
warfare. The demand for the drug has therefore increased 
greatly; but it is only produced in Cochin China, Java, South 
China, Japan and Formosa, and, fortunately for us Japanese, 
practically the whole of the world's supply comes from the last 
two countries. 

Camphor has been manufactured in Japan for many centu- 
ries, but it was not until after the Restoration that it began to 
be exported abroad, and the production showed any perceptible 
increase. Shikoku, Kiushiu and other parts of Japan then took 
up the manufacture, but the manufacturers knew tittle of the 
purposes for which the drug was required and merely produced 
what their foreign customers asked for. The Government 
showed little interest in the industry, and allowed the workers 
to fell at random trees several hundred years old. After years 
of reckless destruction without replanting, it looks as though 
the Japanese camphor forests could not be counted on to supply 
the needs of the world. 

In Formosa the industry was known three hundred years 
ago. The method adopted by the Chinese, however, necessi- 
tated the destruction of the trees. As these were never re- 
placed, the camphor workers had to go further inland in search 
of other trees, and this led to conflicts between the savages 
and the Chinese. The Government then declared a monopoly 
over camphor, and made it death to cut down a single tree in 
contravention of the regulations. Under this rigorous law over 
20O people were decapitated in the one year 1720.' This so 
enraged the colonists that two years later they broke out into 
a rebellion, and the capital of the island fell into the hands of 
Choo Yih-kwei, the rebel leader. 

Subsequently, the camphor industry became more prosper- 
ous than before, and most of the Chinese who were connected 
with it made large fortunes. In 1855 an American, W, M. 
f Hong Kong, despatched a trading vessel to Takow, 



Robinet of H 



The ItlaHd 0/ Formosa,by J. W. Day 



¥ 



THE CAMPHOR MONOPOLY 



173 



started the direct export of camphor, and secured lat^e profits. 
His example had many followers. Keen competition there- 
upon ensued between the British and American merchants 
engaged in the trade, and continued until the Chinese authori- 
ties granted the monopoly of it to an American firm, Williams, 
Anlhon & Co. 

At that time camphor was sold at $8 per picul. After 
many vicissitudes the monopoly was later on restored to the 
Chinese Government, being finally abolished in 1868 in defer- 
ence to the protest of the British Consul backed up by the 
British warships bombarding the coast. The abolition of the 
monopoly caused a rapid decline in prices. During the early 
part of the year, foreigners were obliged to pay to the holders 
of the monopoly 816 per picul for the drug, but immediately 
on its abolition the price fell to $7-80 per picul. In 1875 the 
trade came to a standstill owing to the extraordinary activity 
of the savages. Numerous savage raids were made on the 
Chinese woodsmen, and these raids continued until they at 
last culminated in a great war between the Chinese and the 
savages. Inconsequence, in 1885 the export practically ceased, 
only 400 lb. being shipped that year. The trees which produce 
camphor are unfortunately in the mountainous districts which 
are the home of the savages or else upon the borders of the 
savage territory, so that the camphor can only be obtained 
when the savages are on good terms with the Chinese, and any 
outbreak of war between the two peoples stops the supply at 
once. 

When Liu Ming-chuan was appointed Governor of Formosa, 
the Camphor Monopoly was re-established, Reuter,Br6ckelmann 
& Co. of Hong Kong securing the selling agency. By this 
time the useful invention of making celluloid from camphor had 
been made, with the result that the price of the drug rose to $30 
per picul. The system of monopolising the trade, however, 
met with strong protests from foreign merchants, and was again 
withdrawn. It was then announced that a tax of 88 would be 
imposed on each stove used in the manufacture. In 1 893, 
this tax amounted to $426,000, but only S 160,000 was reported 
to the Peking Government, a characteristic instance of the 
greed and dishonesty of the Chinese officials. 

The methods adopted by the Chinese for controlling the 



174 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

trade varied many times, as related above, but these changes 
were introduced with no other object than to swel) the receipts 
of the tyrannical Government and satisfy the insatiable man- 
darins. No attempt was made to improve the quality of the 
camphor, nor did the Chinese officials concern themselves in 
any way about the future welfare of the island. Under these 
circumstances many forests were entirely denuded, and the 
quality of the camphor produced deteriorated deplorably. 

In his most valuable book, The Island of Formosa, Mr. 
J. W. Davidson gives the following amusing story about the 
manufacture. He says : " Very few are the Formosan Chinese 
who have seen snow at close quarters. In the winter time the 
highest peaks are often covered, and the snow on these hills 
can be seen even from Twatutia, but snow never reaches the 
plains. On one occasion, however, duringthe winter of 1892-93, 
during the coldest weather known in Formosa for many years, 
a little snow one bitter morning was found for the first time on 
the hills in the savage district not far from Tokoham. A wily 
camphor worker saw in this gift from heaven possibilities of a 
great fortune. He ascended the hills, filled a few baskets, and, 
returning to his stove, mixed in a sufficient amount of camphor 
to give an odour to the production, and then started off in a 
hurry to the nearest village to dispose of the stuff. The cam- 
phor merchant looked at the clean, white crystals dumped down 
on the floor before him, deducted a trifle for water, which, in his 
wisdom he thought he detected, paid the anxious hill-man, 
who doubtless claimed a pressing engagement elsewhere which 
necessitated his prompt departure, and then packed the cam- 
phor in a vat that it might drain while he enjoyed the pleasure 
of an opium pipe. The language which he used on the second 
inspection of his purchase has not been reported, but it was 
doubtless loud and voluminous ; for it is told that, with the 
exception of a few catties of camphor at the bottom, and a 
genera! appearance of moisture on the sides of the vessel, there 
was no further trace of the several piculs of glittering crystals 
for which he had paid a considerable sum of good, hard Mexicans 
but an hour before." 

The above story would show that the workers are not slow 
to use whatever adulterant they can find. Moreover, the pro- 
duction of camphor being nearly confined to Formosa and 



THE CAMPHOR MONOPOLY 175 

Japan, speculators could easily comer the drug by purchasing 
all that was on offer in these two countries. Such operations 
were undertaken more than once. So at length in June, 1898, 
the Japanese Government promulgated an ordinance declaring 
camphor a Government monopoly. Their object in doing this 
was twofold ; lirst, to improve the quality of the drug, secondly, 
to prevent as far as possible the fluctuations in the price and 
thus insure a regular income from the industry. Camphor 
Offices were established in June, 1899. The following are the 
more important of the Camphor Regulations : — 

Art. 2. — Camphor and camphor oil must be turned over by 
the manufacturers to the Government, which holds a monopoly 
of them. With the exception of the camphor and camphor oil 
sold to the Government, the possession, hypothecation, trans- 
fer, or export of all other camphor or camphor oil is prohibited. 

Art. 3. — The Government will make payment for camphor 
or camphor oil delivered to it at a rate to be fixed by the 
G o vemor- Genera 1. 

Art. 4. — Camphor or camphor oil cannot be exported from 
the island except through the ports named by the Governor- 
General. 

Art. II. — Persons engaged in the camphor and camphor 
oil business who add any adulterant to camphor or camphor 
oil will be fined a sum ranging from lO to 100 yen, and all 
camphor and camphor oil found in their possession will be 
confiscated. 

Camphor manufacturers' licences can only be transferred by 
inheritance. Purchasers of camphor trees from the Government 
are forbidden to throw away any of the wood before it has 
been fully utilised for distillation. 

One argument for Government interference rests on the 
fact that the camphor workers, anxious for the maximum of 
profits, were accustomed to utilise for distillation only the lower 
ten or fifteen feet of a tree, as that is the part which contains 
the largest proportion of the drug. The rest of the tree was 
left to rot, thus wasting vast quantities of wood which might 
have been made to yield considerable amounts of camphor, 
The Government also intends to replace the trees destroyed, 
and thus provide for a permanent supply. 

There are at present Camphor Offices at Taihoku, Shinchiku, 



176 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



Bioritsu, Taichu, Rinkiho and Ratto. These employ seventy- 
seven officials. Since the Monopoly Regulations were pro- 
mulgated in 1899, various improvements have been introduced 
in the process of manufacture. The camphor workers, for 
instance, are now required to make triangular cross-grain chips, 
as sufficient of the drug cannot be distilled from chips cut with 
the grain as the Chinese used to cut them. The authorities 
have, moreover, discovered new uses for the camphor oil, which 
formerly was considered almost useless. Thus little labour 
gives large results, and a trifling expenditure brings large pro- 
fits. Under the Chinese regime, the camphor manufacturers 
secured between sixty and ninety yen per picul for the drug, but 
less than half that amount is now paid them. This low price 
caused some discontent at first. According to the official 
notification issued in June, 1899, the prices paid by the Govern- 
ment are as under, vis. : — 



I 
I 



Nu»i>ioa«. 


CiTMElliMd Cimpbw. 


CampkotOit. 


Fini Gndc. 


SoWDd Gradii. 


TbJrtGnde. 




Tathoku . 

Shinchiku . 

Bioritsu 

T»Lcha 

Rinkiho . 

Ratta . . 


Yen. 

io-aa 

a7-oo 
26-00 

a7S0 


V«. 
17-00 

a6-ia 

"•i 

24-80 


34-00 
23-50 

aa-io 

21-30 


Ven. 
15-00 
14-00 
.3-80 
13-00 

11^ 



The maximum amounts of camphor and camphor oil which 
the Government agrees to take annually from the manufac- 
turers, together with the number of trees and stoves required 
for the production of that amount, are given in the table below. 
These are the amounts which the Government believes will be 
sufliicient to meet the demand throughout the world without 
causing a fall in the price. 



THE CAMPHOR MONOPOLY 



NunaoIlMBM. 


^r 


CunptwrOn 


...^. 


SMvo. 


Taihoku 

Shinchiku .... 

Bioriwu 

Taichu 

Rinkiho ... 

Ratto 


644,604 
517 .40J 
301.490 

io3.7'3 


331.302 

aeo,702 
250,746 
.67,. 64 


..865 

10,183 


gio 

750 
716 
478 
1+8 
*S7 
3.269 


Total . 


Z.09I.536 


:,ui,77i 



In 1904 there were thirty-seven persons in the island hold- 
ing camphor manufacturers' licences; their stoves numbered 
6,802. They produced 3.540.953 lb. of camphor and 2.805,809 
lb. of camphor oil, the output of both far exceeding the demand. 

On 24th March. 1900, tenders were called for from firms, 
Japanese and foreign, who were desirous of obtaining the sole 
selling agency for Formosan camphor. The ordinary plan in 
such cases is to accept the highest tender, but in this case the 
authorities, desiring that the business should be conducted upon 
the cheapest possible basis, chose the lowest. It was feared 
that if the highest bid was accepted, the quotations for camphor 
would advance so much that the consumers would be unwilling 
to pay the increase, and thus an additional stimulus would be 
given to the invention of a substitute. Moreover, the necessity 
of interfering with the selling price counselled the appointment 
of a sole agency. In all, twenty-five tenders were sent in, and 
Messrs. Samuel, Samuel & Co. were the fortunate recipients. 

The prices which are asked for the drug abroad have been 
announced as follows. For "A" and "B" grade camphor 
blocks, laid down in London, Hambui^ or New York, 107843 
yen and 94702 yen per picul (133 lb.) respectively (ex- 
clusive of import duties, if any), and laid down in Hong Kong, 
I02'378 yen and 94323 yen respectively. In 1875 ^^^ ''"'S 
was quoted between $y and SS per picul ; it now sells for nearly 
a yen per lb. Between 3.000,000 and 5,000,000 lb. are offered 
for sale each year. What a radical change therefore the in- 
dustry has undergone. 

The following table shows the annual receipts and expendi- 
tures of the Formosan Government on account of the camphor 
industry : — 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 





KtMftx. 


En«dln«. 


PnCL 


Vm. 


,899 .. . 

1900 . 

CamphiK on' hand 
to 1903 . 


9>7.877 


l,iiS,3i6 
2,166,061 
".165.937 


i,S86,»6 
'.087.455 

508..80 


300.339 


Yen 8,431,717 


Yen 5.S5o."S 


Yen J.88t.50i 


Yen 300.339 



From this industry alone therefore the Government clears 
an annual profit of between 1,000,000 and 1,500,000 yen. 
During the three years following the enforcement of the 
monopoly it cleared 2,500,000 yen and secured the exclusive 
control of the trade. It is no exaggeration therefore to say 
that this enterprise is the most successful of the Japanese 
Government monopolies. 

It may be interesting to examine in what condition the 
camphor industry of Japan stood before the establishment of 
the Formosan monopoly. The average price ruling for Japanese 
camphor from 1894 to t8g8 was 5618 yen. At the time when 
the monopoly was established the price ruling was 63 yen. 
which has now advanced to 93 yen. Thus Japan has herself 
profited to this extent by the monopoly in Formosa. 



I 



Vau. 


^^1S 


ye*™ 


"Si's,? 

mooopnlT 


pHaiD 


Pt<>«»«Mund 

manoiMily. 


.899 .. . 

1900 . 

1901 .. . 

Total . 


86538, 
1,450.158 
1.498.608 

3.814,1+8 


!6l8 


63-60 
93-60 
9374 


7-43 
374' 
3756 


64.«« 
Yen 1,169,700 



As the preceding table shows, Japan has herself profited by 
no less a sum than 1,160,000 yen during the three years owii^ 
to the Formosan Camphor Monopoly. 

Prior fo the establishment of the present monopoly, all the 
Formosan camphor was exported abroad through Hong Kong, 
but it is now shipped either direct or through Japanese ports. 



THE CAMPHOR MONOPOLY 



179 



The quotations given on the camphor markets throughout the 
world are decided at the dictation of a Bureau Director in the 
Formosan Government. 

The high prices reached and the increased demand for 
caaiphor during recent years have induced several of the 
powers to make investigations with the hope of introducing 
the camphor industry into their own lands. In Italy, South- 
Eastem France, Madagascar, Brazil, Egypt, Ceylon and the 
Canary Islands, to say nothing of the United States, the tree 
has been cultivated with most satisfactory results. In Japan, 
from thirty to forty years are required before the tree is laige 
enough to yield a profitable return, but it is said that in Italy, 
a camphor tree, in eight years from the planting of the seed, had 
attained a height of ninety feet and a circumference of over 
three feet, A tree planted in New Orleans in 1883 is now 
(190S) a sturdy fellow over five feet in circumference and forty 
feet in height. These two cases are undoubtedly exceptional, 
however, and an American botanical expert, Lyster H. Dewey, 
states as the results of experiments in America, that an average 
he^ht of thirty feet, with a circumference of say thirty inches, 
may be expected in trees ten years from the seed.' Camphor 
trees also abound, it is said, in the central and southern provinces 
of China, giants twenty to thirty feet in circumference being 
often met with in Fokien and Kiangsi provinces. 

Japan and Formosa cannot claim, therefore, that they are 
the only lands where camphor is obtained, nor should they rest 
secure as Britain can with her Cardiff coal. At the same time 
there is no reason for us to be too pessimistic. The demand 
for camphor will increase many times over before the production 
in other lands shows any great increase. The point for us to 
bear in mind is that our Empire cannot permanently monopolise 
the industry. Indeed, the increased prices of the drug have al- 
ready encouraged German chemists to invent artificial camphor 
which in quality almost rivals the natural product. Its only 
drawback lies in the great cost of production. While natural 
camphor sells for 100 yen, it costs 90 yen to manufacture the 
same quantity of the artificial drug. Thus the latter is unable 
to drive out the natural product from the world's markets. 

' Thf !ilan<i of Formata. by J. W. DAVLdson. 



i82 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

the forests continues at the same rate as at present, the supply 
of camphor trees in Formosa will be sufficient to supply the 
world's requirements for another lOO years to come. In the 
meanwhile, he added, the new system of afforestation which 
has been introduced will replace all the trees destroyed. This 
I was much pleased to hear, and I sincerely hope that the 
Formosan Government will devote a large portion of its enei^ 
to the replanting of these valuable trees. 



THE CAMPHOR MONOPOLY i8i 

The annual expenditure for this purpose amounts to over 
24,cxx> yen. There is also a private defence force of \-oIuntcers 
called Aitei These forces are undoubtedly smaller in number 



than they ever v 



; during the Chinese n^gime, but nex-erthe- 



less the number of those persons who ha%-e fallen xictims lo 
the ferodtj- of the savages has greatly deo^eascd tn recent 
years. This impro%-ed state of things shows that the savages 
entertain much less enmit>- towards us, Japanese, than towards 
the Formosan Chinese, and is evidence that they find they 
can place more dependence upon both Japanese officials and 
pri\'ate persons than on the Chinese. 

The camphor workers are, as stated abo\-e. exposed to 
constant danger, but their profits are larger The Japanese 
labourers who are employed by these manu^cturers usually 
recei\-e fourteen yen for e\Try picul of camphor produced, and 
seven j'en per picul for the camphor oil. Their average earn- 
ings are between twenty-five and thirty yen a month, but some 
specially successdil distillers make as much as forty yen. The 
Chinese are employed on a totally different basis. Money is 
advanced to them by the manufacturers for the construction 
of stoves. Their earnings are slightly less than those of the 
Japanese workers. 

One day I paid a visit to the camphor refinery at Taihoku 
and saw how the work was carried on. The distilling oven is 
in the shape of a large iron box. In this a quantity of the 
crude camphor is placed, and, heat being applied, the fumes 
pass through a number of pipes and apertures into the crystal- 
lisation chamber, where they crystallise as flowers of camphor. 

A certain writer told the truth when he said that a few 
pounds of camphor which looks so like fresh-fallen snow re- 
presents many drops of human blood. It ought not to be 
forgotten that the production of camphor requires more labour 
and causes a larger effusion of blood than any other of the 
many Formosan staples. When I asked one of the officials 
at the camphor refinery whether the forests were not likely to 
become exhausted by the continual felling of camphor trees 
at the rate of lo.ooo a year, he said with a smile that surveys 
were not sufficiently complete to afford exact information, but 
that it was known that the camphor trees covered an area of 
about 1,500 square miles. Supposing that the depletion of 



i84 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

is to be found. This field is so out-of-the-way that it has 
only been discovered recently, but it is believed that it will 
hereafter become a large mine of wealth. 

There is a tradition that gold mining was commenced in 
Formosa at the time of the Dutch occupation and that the 
Japanese then engaged in it ; but the truth of this is rather 
doubtful. On the other hand, it is only recently that the 
gold-bearing gravel near Zuiho has been discovered. In 1890, 
when Liu Ming-chuan constructed the line from Kelung to 
Taihoku, some of the Chinese workmen caught sight of some 
glittering substance in the gravel whicli they were dig^ng. 
When it was found to be really gold, reports spread all over 
and at last reached China, and it is said that the Chinese flocked 
to the place in thousands. It will not be surprising if some 
day when the savage districts come to be opened up, as sensa- 
tional discoveries of gold are made as were disclosed in the 
Yukon Mines in Alaska a few years ago. Since 1898 the 
amount of gold produced has increased every year in a wonder- 
ful way, but it is most probable that there is really a much 
larger production from gravel washing than is shown in the 
returns. 

OUTPUT OF GOLD IN FORMOSA. 





FromUiDM. 


,.„0»-. 






SaU. 


Produced. 




Sow 


Yeir 


'""■ 


Waght 


V,lui! 

In yen. 


iDoa. 


Wrtghl 


,r;= 


1897 








289 






1898 


■.3*9 






87a 








4, too 


3.490 


iaa,3io 


879 


839 




1900 


11,150 




386,558 


1.14a 


'.136 


34.997 


tgcn 


i8,744 


"8.744 










1902 


*8,g05 


18,905 








600.035 




19,614 












1904 


48.357 U8.3S7 

1 


1,614.860 


5."7 


5."7 


161,661 



Coal. 
Coal crops out all along a belt extending from Shinten 
near Taihoku to the neighbourhood of Bioritsu. Deposits are 
also found in the central and southern parts of the island and 
also near Taito, but the only deposits which appear likely to 
prove profitable are those found near Taihoku and Eioritsu. 



MINERALS 



185 



Both these seams are mostly two or three feet thick, sometimes 
even as much as four or five feet. The seams never run 
singly ; they always run double and are from forty to fifty feet 
apart. The Formosan Chinese were the first to excavate the 
coal, and they persevered in spite of all the officials could do 
to stop them. At last, in 1874, *he Chinese Government itself 
engaged an English engineer and imported the necessary mining 
machinery. This was erected at Hatto, and for a time the 
output from the mines there amounted to 46,000 tons a year. 

Early in August, 1884, the difficulties between China and 
France having reached a crisis, the French fleet arrived at 
Kelung and bombarded the forts. Liu Ming-chuan, the then 
Governor of Formosa, fearing the worst and having no inten- 
tion of presenting the French with a well-equipped mine and 
a large stock of coal, gave orders that the works should be 
destroyed, the pits flooded, and the stock of coal set fire to, 
His orders were carried out without loss of time, and thus was 
rendered useless a large plant on which much money had been 
spent and many lives sacrificed. 

After the close of the war, new machinery was installed 
and the mining was resumed, but the annual output was only 
about half what it had been before. Since Formosa came into 
our hands ali the coal-mining operations have been carried on 
by private individuals, permits having been granted for working 
1 10 claims with a total area of a little over 5,600 acres. The 
output in 1899 ^^^ 24,074 tons; in 1900, 31,460 tons; and 
in 1904, over 61.500 tons. Considering the inferior quality of 
the coal, the expense of working it is so great that, if a Httle 
freight be added, it cannot compete with that brought from 
Japan and China, or even with that which is obtained in the 
southern part of the island. For this reason the annual ex- 
ports are very smai!, amounting to only about zo,ooo tons. 

It is worthy of note that many Japanese are to be seen 
engaged in tropical Formosa, not only as mine owners, but 
also as workers in the mines. In the Gaden Mines at Borio, 
about three miles from Taihoku, thirty Japanese and sixty 
Chinese are employed. The Chinese receive 8 sen and the 
Japanese g sen per picul (133 lb.). The Japanese receive 
higher pay because they are more careful and show greater 
skill than the Chinese, whose product contains much small 



i86 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

coal and dust. The Chinese miner averages 2,ooo lb. a day. 
while the Japanese average is double that amount. Two 
Chinese working together can earn 120 yen per day. while 
two Japanese working in the same way will earn 270 yen. 
At the present day when the Chinese coolies are considered to 
be best fitted for work in tropical countries, we Japanese may 
gain fresh confidence in our powers of endurance from the 
example of these miners. We must also remember that these 
men have no European machinery to help them, but do most 
of the work by hand. This fact is a striking evidence of the 
great bodily strength of our labouring classes. 



Coal Oil. 

Up to the present little has been done to obtain coal oil 
in Formosa, but to-day the prospects for the future are very 
bright. According to Government investigations, indications 
of the presence of petroleum are to be seen along a line ex- 
tending from Bioritsu to Banshorio. At Shohabo and on the 
shores of both the Ramasen and Fukuki Rivers at Bioritsu, 
there is known to be oil, and, if report be true, in some places 
in the savage district it wells up out of the ground like a hot 
spring. Moreover, 150 or 160 localities are known where it 
spouts up out of the ground. For many years Rigyozan was 
considered to be a volcano, but the real fact appears to be 
that the flames which have been seen are not volcanic, but 
natural gases issuing from springs or from crevices along the 
sides of the mountain, spontaneously ignited, and which had 
perhaps set fire to the vegetation. 

To Mr. John Dodd belongs the credit of having first called 
attention to the Forraosan petroleum deposits. In 1866, seeing 
some Cantonese collecting oil on the savage border some twenty 
miles south-east of Koro, he rented the land in that locality 
and began collecting the oil, but the Chinese mandarins soon ex- 
pelled him and beheaded the unfortunate Chinaman who owned 
the land for presuming to lease his ground to a foreigner. 

In 1878 the Government engaged two American experts 
to bore for oil, but their first attempts produced only salt water. 
More water was encountered at a depth of lOO feet. They 
persevered, and, at a depth of 380 feet, struck water mixed 
with oil The constant falling in of the earth made further 



MINERALS 



187 



prioress very slow, but at last after a month of toil, at a depth 
of 394 feet, oil was struck, the well was tubed, and pumping 
apparatus erected. Nearly 2,000 lb. of oil could now be 
obtained per day, but the Americans, greatly dissatisfied with 
the treatment they had received from the authorities, left the 
island and so the work was discontinued. Several years later, 
some Japanese commenced boring operations at Naisho in 
Shohabo, but the results have not been satisfactory. On the 
other hand, the experimental borings in the Bioritsu neighbour- 
hood met with good success, producing as much as 1 50 gallons 
per day. I wonder whether this may not be the real beginning 
of the work of collecting petroleum in Formosa. When the 
hilly districts are opened up, they may, if the repiorls referred 
to above be correct, reveal rich oil stores undreamed of hither- 
to. One experienced engineer told me that it was really 
wonderftil what rich oil fields existed throughout the whole 
island. Formosa may some day produce enough oil to supply 
her own needs and those of Japan, becoming one of the best 
oil fields in the world. 

Sulphur. 
Deposits of this mineral are found throi^hout a large portion 
of the island, and the mines have already been worked to a 
considerable extent. The Daitone Range, the highest peak of 
which reaches an altitude of over 4,000 feet, is very rich. In- 
deed, the sulphur mines below the village of Hokuto arc all at 
the foot of this range. Other deposits are found in the island 
of Kizan off the coast of Giran. 

OUTPUT AND EXPORT OP SULPHUR. 



HtfU. 


Areaof Uiae* 




EIPCTO 


VllM 


iDUtH. 






tDVu. 


1897 


56 


5 


33 


'.791 




■« 






4i."7 




a7s 


478 


a68 




1900 






37» 


16.686 


igoi 


a+o 


I. MO 




34.356 






t,ais 


'.370 


47.M3 


*9<»3 


389 




i.a3» 


5*W37 


1904 


4*S 


».349 


1.SS6 


fi3.553 



It will be noticed that sometimes the export exceeds the amount 
produced. When this is the case, back stock is drawn upon. 




—Trial of a brigand — A cumbersome syBtem 
of interpretation — The brigand's courage — Functions of the Court of Appea.1 
^A society for investigating old cusloms — Neeil for a specific legal code — 
Landowners and cleat tiile-deeds — Forgery an easy matter — Japanese law for 
Japanese offenders — Penalties for brigandage — Judges' difficulties — Law 
CouriB and Registration Offices — Arbitration Court a substitute for the teguUi 
courts — Flogging and lines — Taihoku Prison — Satisfactory effects of Bog- 
ging — Crime ajnongst women— Increase of crime in the island — Summary 
of prison reports — Table of prisOD expenditure. 

Of ail the Government offices I saw during my tour m 
Formosa, the law courts impressed me the most favourably. 
On the morning of nth June I presented myself at nine o'clock 
at the Taihoku local court and was allowed to witness the 
proceedings. My seat on the left of the judge was a little in- 
convenient for watching the judge's face, but it was the best 
place from which to watch the faces of the prisoners and their 
accusers. The prosecutor announced that the two Formosans 
on trial had been arrested for stealing boots and other articles 
from a house in Bumbu Street, Taihoku. A Japanese who sat 
on the judge's left, then translated what the public prosecutor 
had said into Formosan. The two defendants tried to clear 
themselves by accusing each other, and all their statements 
were interpreted for the judge's information. This was done 
again and again. The defendants said : " We were beaten in 
the police office, and so had no alternative but to say what we 
did at the preliminary examination, but we are both quite in- 
nocent ". At this the judge smiled, -and said : " You were over- 
heard discussing what pica you should put in, and what you 
have just said agrees exactly with what you then said. You 
are sentenced to receive thirty blows apiece," They were then 
led away. 



LAW COURTS— PRISONS— CRIMINALS 189 

Throi^h the kindness of the judge and public procurator 
1 was shown through the storehouse where the instruments 
taken from criminals are preserved, and saw old brigands' 
swords, javelins red with rust, and spears six or seven feet 
long. Seeing these terrible weapons, I could not help thinking 
what suffering they had inflicted on many of our brave soldiers. 
What struck me most, however, was that so many shelves were 
filled with pipes and other smoking apparatus, which had been 
taken from unlicensed opium smokers. 

At ten o'clock I left the local court, and went over to the 
Court of Appeal, where I met the presiding judge, Mr. S. 
Suzuki, and asked to be allowed to witness the proceedings. 
This permission he kindly gave, and a seat was provided for 
me on the left of the consulting judge. That day a Formosan 
was being tried for robbery and murder. He and his two sons 
had joined the brigands, and had plundered and killed or 
wounded many inoffensive people. The younger son had been 
killed in a punitive expedition, but the elder escaped, and con- 
cealed himself among the taw-abiding people. In their search 
for him, the police came across the father living under a false 
name, and at once arrested him. When the procurator an- 
nounced his crime, a Japanese who sat on the judge's left 
translated the charge into Mandarin. This was further trans- 
lated into Formosan by a native, who sat just below the 
Japanese interpreter. When the prisoner had anything to say, 
the same course was followed for the judge's benefit. When I 
read in Chinese history that in a certain case nine translations 
had been required, I b^an to realize what a vast country China 
was ; and now that with my own eyes I saw the judge and the 
defendant sitting only one foot apart, yet speaking to each 
other through two interpreters, I was impressed with the great- 
ness of our empire. 

It seemed to me that the employment of two interpreters 
must render it more difficult to reach a right conclusion, waste 
a large amount of time, and make the people feel the distance 
between the judge and themselves, and 1 wondered why the 
Court of Appeal did not, like the local court, dispense with 
the Mandarin interpreter. I asked the authorities about this, 
but the explanation they gave me only increased my wonder. 
They said : " If the judge, who is the representative of our 



tpo JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

August Emperor, should speak directly to the native interpreter, 
whom the people have hitherto despised and looked down 
upon, it would impair his authority, and that is not the way to 
teach these people to respect the law. Thus the same cumber- 
some course as was followed during the Chinese occupation 
is still adhered to, simply because the natives are of opinion 
that a judge disgraces himself by speaking directly to the 
native interpreter." In my opinion, however, this system is a 
weak point in our Formosan administration, for it not only 
involves a largeamount of useless work, but the use of Mandarin 
in the law courts, and the respect thus shown to that language, 
is apt to mislead the natives, causing them to cherish a hope of 
Chinese intervention to the detriment of our authority. 

To return to the prisoner at the bar. He showed by his 
voice how earnestly he was pleading, and his face in his 
excitement grew redder, making him look as though he were 
partially intoxicated, yet no one would have thought that he 
was at all aware that his life would probably be ended in a 
few days. I spoke of this to the judge, and he told me that 
the natives are as a rule very courageous, bearing up well even 
when they find themselves in a critical position. I should much 
like to know what it is that gives them such courage. 

The Court of Appeal in Formosa reviews the decisions 
arrived at in the lower courts, just as in Japan, but here in 
Formosa as no appeal is allowed from its decisions, it really 
unites in itself the functions of both the Appeal and Supreme 
Courts. At one time there was a Court of Third Instance, but 
experience showed that two were sufficient. The laws en- 
forced in these courts are founded lai^ely upon those existing 
in Japan, or upon self-evident legal principles; further, as the 
customs and manners of the island are so different, it is con- 
sidered necessary to draft laws taking into account not only 
these customs and manners, but also the new condition of 
things. 

A committee for the investigation of old customs has been 
formed in the Governor-General's office, including many learned 
men, and having as president a distinguished jurist of the Kyoto 
University. This committee is now busily engaged on the 
subject, so that it will not be long before a satisfactory canon 
of law is arrived at. 



U. 



LAW COURTS— PRISONS— CRIMINALS 191 

Until such specific canon has been compiled, there is no 
alternative but to adopt the laws of Japan, though many ex- 
ceptions have to be introduced. For instance, since July. 1898, 
the Civil, Commercial and Criminal Codes, the Laws of Civil 
and Criminal Procedure, and any supplementary regulations 
attached to them, have been put in force, but cases in which 
Chinese and Formosans alone are concerned, more especially 
criminal cases, are decided in accordance with their customs 
and usages. Cases relating to the buying and selling of land 
and buildings are now settled in accordance with the R^ula- 
tions for the Registration of Land, contained in Ordinance 
No. 3 issued in 1905. Under this ordinance the registration 
of rights of ownership, of all rights relating to liens and 
mortgages, and also of tenants' rights, was made compulsory 
from July, I905 ; otherwise such rights had no binding force. 

These personal rights will be respected when the investiga- 
tion of land, and the adjustment of the Great Rent Rights, 
shall have been completed. Landowners who can establish 
a clear title to their property will be better enabled to obtain 
and circulate capital. Moreover, by Ordinance No. 12 issued 
in 1903, regulations were drawn up with regard to Public 
Registration, directing that such registration be dealt with as 
a Government affair by an acting judge, whereas in Japan 
such basiness is attended to by the public registrar. These 
regulations were made to check the common practice of for- 
gery. The legal documents of the islanders, though drawn up 
with great care, are very often of little value, owing to the fact 
that the whole, including all the signatures, is written by a 
scribe, the actual drawers of the deed simply affixing their 
seals below their namea Our one regret is that these new 
regulations are not more widely known, only a few hundred 
applying each year for registration. 

Japanese offenders in Formosa are tried according to the 
laws of Japan, while in the case of Formosans action is taken 
according to custom and usage. In order to make the pro- 
ceedings more uniform, it was in April, 1899, decided that all 
criminal, civil and commercial cases which concerned For- 
mosans and Chinese only, should be dealt with according to 
the laws of Criminal and Civil Procedure and the subsidiary 
laws. Land rights are for the time being dealt with in ac- 



L 



194 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

is generally administered to those who have no permanent 
residence in the island, or who are found to have no means 
of subsistence. Those who are lined for violating the Police 
Regulations, as well as those fined less than loo yen for 
more serious offences, if unable to pay, are sentenced to an 
equivalent number of blows. Flogging is, however, only 
inflicted on Formosan and Chinese men over sixteen and 
under sixty years of age, and, when administered in Ueu of 
fines, each blow is considered equal to one yen of the fine. 
This form of punishment has been adopted, it is said, because 
Formosans and Chinese have such low ideas of living, and so 
little sense of shame that they do not mind in the least being 
sent to prison for a time, some of them, indeed, feeling more 
comfortable there than at home. Their love of money is 
really so much a part of their nature that a fine or a flowing 
is said to be more of a punishment to them than imprison- 
ment. 

Though I recognise the soundness of these reasons for the 
most part, I found it difficult to believe that the natives did 
not mind being imprisoned. One day, however, hearing that 
a man in the Taihoku Prison was to be flogged, I went to see 
it done, and was then able to understand the reasonableness 
of such a punishment. Many people, even in Tokyo, must be 
surprised, when they find that the Sugamo Prison or the other 
prisons in Tokyo are such fine, lofty, brick buildings. But in 
Taihoku the prison is built of stone, which is superior even to 
brick. It cost 310,000 yen to build, and may be said to have 
been planned on a more extensive scale than any other build- 
ing in the city. It covers about fifty acres, and has fifteen or 
twenty acres of vacant ground round it. There is accom- 
modation for 1,200 prisoners at one time ; the building is well 
lighted, and all the passages and floors are covered with 
cement, so that not a spot of bare ground is to be seen any- 
where. If anything is dropped, the sound reverberates through 
the building. 

1 went with the governor into the cell of a prisoner who 
was under sentence of hard labour, and found everything 
scrupulously clean. I then visited the well-kept kitchen, and 
found the food was all being cooked by steam heat. This is 
the case not only in Taihoku, but also in Tainan. From a 



I 



LAW COURTS— PRISONS— CRIMINALS 



'93 



for lower grade judges, and imagine that their fees are nothing 
else than bribes. A few natives who can write make it their 
business to deceive those who are ignorant, spreading the idea 
that they have power to influence the decisions of the judge 
by gold, but they keep all the money they receive themselves. 
Worse than that, an interpreter in one of the law courts re- 
ceived a bribe, and misinterpreted what was said, causing the 
court so much annoyance that at last he was prosecuted. 
Generally speaking, however, the people trust the court, and 
have no suspicions of injustice. 

At present local courts are established in three places, 
Taihoku, Taichu and Tainan, Circuit Courts being held at 
Shinchiku, Giran and Kagi. Registration offices have also 
been opened in twenty-one important places. Altogether 
29 judges, 13 procurators, 197 clerks and 39 interpreters are 
employed in the Court of Appeal, one or other of the local 
courts and Registration Offices. 

The Formosans, like the Chinese, being very fond of 
litigation, to lessen the work of the regular courts it has 
recently been ordered that all petty cases be settled by arbi- 
tration by the local authorities. Though called an Arbitration 
Court, it is really a kind of public law court When it was 
first introduced much anxiety was felt as to how it would be 
regarded by the natives, but the results have been unexpectedly 
satisfactory and the people seem to welcome it Before this 
change was made, there were on the average about 160 cases 
a month before the District Court, but afterwards the average 
fell to about 136. 

I have already said that, as the customs and manners of 
the Formosans are different from those prevailing in Japan, 
they should have a special code of laws. This need has 
already been met to some extent by the Governor-General, 
who, having taken into consideration the systems that were 
prevailing under the Chinese regime, has regulated the number 
of blows for certain petty offences. This ordinance was issued 
in January, 1904, and it was decided that those Formosans and 
Chinese who would otherwise have been sentenced to terms 
of less than three months' imprisonment with hard labour, 
.should, according to circumstances, be sentenced to pay a fine 
or receive a certain number of blows. Corporal punishment 



196 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



Government, led to the break-up of the Cabinet and the dis- 
solution of the Diet. 

I also had an opportunity of inspecting one of the prisons 
for women, where all the jailers were Japanese women, 1 saw 
over twenty of the inmates at work together, among them 
beit^ five or six Japanese. I left the jail, and as I passed 
the notice board outside, I saw to my surprise that most of 
them were felons, undergoing hard labour. The governor ex- 
plained this, and said: "At present we have over forty con- 
victs here, most of them committed for murder or attempted 
murder as the outcome of adultery. Loveless marriages 
founded on buying and selling have led these women to com- 
mit these fearful crimes, but may we not say that they are 
really more sinned against than sinning?" 

There are at present prisons in Taihoku, Tainan and 
Taichu, with branches in Shinchiku, Giran and Kagi. It is a 
mournful fact that the number of criminals is increasing year 
by year. Most of the Formosans have been left entirely un- 
trained by their parents and have grown up almost like wild 
animals, without being taught to obey. But, when they are 
brought to prison, they learn for the first time in their lives 
what discipline and order mean. They are taught some useful 
handiwork, and allowed to communicate with their relatives 
and friends by post. Since the Japanese occupation, such 
trades as are required to meet Japanese needs are learned 
principally in the prisons, and so in a certain sense the pri.sons 
in Formosa may be said to be Industrial Training Homes. 



LAW COURTS— PRISONS— CRIMINALS 197 



SUMMARY OF PRISON REPORTS, 1897-1904. 



V-,. 


11 


1 

■s 


!l 


s 


1 


Is 


i! 


1 


1 
s 

1 




I 




k- 






< 










i! 




1886 


6gi 


_ 




418 




_ 


_ 


_ 


_ 


_ 


_ 


■«,, 


MI8 


3 


Mk, 


461 
















.888 






414 


ai4 


ST 






T 








■ 88, 


i.33f 








17 


^ 






9 


bye. 










19s 




t' 
















3.509 






41 








S 




1,013 


I-J3 


























1903 


4.048 






,1» 








S 


19 


"1 




I804 








21) 






~ 


^ 


"7 


33 





Nofr. — Four prisoners who escaped in 1904 were recaptured the same day. 
The number of criminals per 1,000 of the population given in 1903 is based on 
the population at the end of 1901, vit., 3,004,751, wbile the figure for the succeed- 
ing yeat is based on the population st the end of 1903, vii., 3,030,076. 

TABLE OF PRISON EXPENDITURE. 









E.,i™.d 










PrUoD 


inVe^ 


Amoual 




i«S-i 


Vtti. 


be paid In 
Prlsonera » 
Wi««, elc. 


E.pMK.. 


lor P "iJSSSl, 


1897 


140,082 






1.416 




101 


',605 


t8g8 


197,608 




■3, "99 


'6.743 


37-S 


'37 


a.»73 


■899 


374.05s 


134.055 


i3.<99 


'7.^33 


*' 


'47 


a.300 


1900 


+"4.736 


156,206 


16.79" 


'5.437 




"3-8 








■78.653 


16.490 


26,306 


38 


'37 


3.S62 








16,070 


4t.iS» 










S36.48S 




»4,76o 






'3-6 




1904 


49i.i7> 


.7«.054 


101,036 


92,048 


40-6 


'47 


3J» 



Nalt. — The reason why the prisoners' wages did not amount in 1904 to tu 
much as was estimated, was because the work of making bricks to build the 
barracks at Taichu was stopped by order of the Army department. The 
numberi given in this table as the average number imprisoned each day vary 
■lightly (torn the numbers given in the preceding table, the reason being thai 
.1. .Q tables are made up on different dates. 




Area and populaticin>~DiBttibution of the population according to distiicta, 
and profeuionB — Compariaon with other countries— Formosa's 
position in the list — Birth and death rate — Increase very slow — Some reasons 
for this— The birth rate of other colonies— The most urgent need, the de- 
velopment of the island's agricultural resources — Rice and sugar supplies 
—Table of wages— Foreign help a necessity— How lo obtain it— The 
Government as a tradesman — As a landlord — Example of the Dutch Govern- 
ment in Java — The Government as a sugar producer- Need for caution — 
Foreign labour in British colonies — Table showing the benefits of importing 
foreign labour — The Chinese element in Formosa. 

Our Formosan possessions consist of the main island with its 
fourteen smaller adjacent islands, together with the Pescadores, 
which consist of sixty-three other islands. The whole area is 
about 14,000 square miles. The arable lands amount to 
over 3,125,000 acres. About 696,000 acres are under cultiva- 
tion as paddy fields, etc., while the unirrigated farms cover 
about 640,000 acres, total about 1,336,000 acres, leaving over 
1,790,000 acres of good land still untouched. According to 
investigations made at the end of 1904, the population of 
these islands was over 3,079,000 persons, of whom 1,430,000 
were women, who were then living in 573,038 houses. These 
figures do not include the garrison. 



POPULATION AND FUTURE DEVELOPMENT tgg 



POPULATION OP FORMOSA ACCORDING TO CENSUS TAKEN 
3iaT DECEMBER, 1904- 



Dilrict. 


No. of Hduhb. 




F^o««. 


S-v^e. 


Ford.™.. 


TmiI. 


Tttiholitt 


53,7« 


17.479 


271,605 


_ 


4.057 


394.141 


Kelung 


20,647 




103,608 






"3.494 
















Shinto 


8.330 




44.486 












804 








202.298 


Shinehiku . 


31,064 


t.S96 


169..O0 


4.373 


150 


'75.J«9 






2,101 


143.334 


1,91 1 




I47.a49 


Taichu 




3,166 


203,384 


69a 


26 


207.274 


Shoka. 






278.33S 




5 


279,716 


Nanto. 








7,883 




78,856 


Toroku 


4.:696 












Ksgi . . 














Enauiko 
















42,876 


5.388 


184.44S 




1,058 


190.891 


Banihorio . 


9,801 


446 


46.842 


3.574 




50,862 


Hozin 




2.264 


t7i>,663 




89 


173,016 






























Taito . 














Pocadoiea . 


".369 


'.S« 


55.4'o 






57."'5 


Toul . 


573.038 


53.365 


A915.984 


'O4.334 


6.009 


3,079.692 



If we consider the Northern Section as extending from 
Taihoku to Toshien, the Central Section (with its centre at 
Taichu) from Shinehiku to Toroku, and the Southern Section 
from Kagi to Koshun, the population is distributed as fol- 
lows : — 





No. o( H0UM1. 


J.p«,«, 




S.«^ 




Toul. 


Central 

Souihcrn . 
Taiio . 

Toul . 


135.680 
197.136 
216,267 

u,486 
11.369 

573.''38 


39. "8 

11,824 
626 
'.595 

53.365 


717,769 

I. 074.535 

1.045.969 

ia.301 

55.410 


9.036 

>9.o6o 
24.76+ 
5 '.4 74 

104,334 


4.627 

190 

l.lHg 

3 

6.009 


770.550 

1.103,987 

1,083.746 

64.404 

57.">5 


J.9I5.984 


3.079,691 



There are a number of small towns which are agricultural 
centres. When the means of communication were not so well 
developed as they are to-day, these towns were each the 
centre of their respective neighbourhoods, not only commerci- 
ally, but also socially and politically. Here follows a list of 
such of these towns as have over 5,000 inhabitants : — 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



Tainan . 


19.451 


Toko 


- 9.418 


Hozan . 


5.75° 


Dutoiei . 


41.716 


Taihoku . . 9,03a 


Toseikaku. 


5,7S<» 


Banko . 


»7.332 


Bokushikiaku . 7,060 


Ishinai . 


5.6'3 


Kagi . 


ao.517 


Hokko . . 6.575 


Seira 


5.369 


Rokko . 


19.805 


Taichu . . 6.413 


Shinsho . 


5,3M 


KdunK . 


17.710 


Chokatei . . 6.173 




5.*90 


Shinchiku 


'6.37' 


Kobe . . S.987 


Saei . . 


S."50 


Shoka . 


ie.3« 


Anping . . 5.97* 


Hokuto . 


5«8 


Gitan . 


15,011 








POPULATION CLASSIFIED ACCORDING TO OCCUPATION 






(SAVAGES EXCLUDED), 




Agriculturists 
Manufacturers 




3,059,795 


School teachers . 


5,803 




90,047 


Priests .... 


4,691 


Labourers 




293,765 


Physicians and tnidwives . 


9.4'5 


Merchants 




133,154 




48.188 


Officials . 




3».394 


Miscellaneous . . . 


<«J.93S 






90,171 






NoU.-Tbc fiunilicB ue included in Ihe above figures. 





I 



Putting the area of the island at 14,000 square miles, if the 
population of 3,079,692 were distributed equally, there would 
be 219 persons to each square mile. For the sake of com- 
parison the following table may be of interest : — 

COUNTRIES ARRANGED ACCORDING TO DENSITY OF 
POPULATION PER SQUARE MILE. 



Belgium . . 


593 


Shantung China) 


410 


Holland . . 


403 


England . . 


338 


Annam 


328 


Fokien 


306 


Italy , . . 


290 


Japan . . . 


287 


German Empire . 


a70 


FotmoM 


aig 


British India . 


213 



Switzerland . 208 

ProvinCcofCanlon 196 

France . 1S9 

Austria- Hungary iSi 

Chinese Empire , jtz 
Denmark 
Portugal 

Philippine* 



1:65 



Bulgaria 
European Russia 
French Indo-Chii 
Turkey . 

United States 
Algeria . . 

Cape Colony , 



It will be seen from the above table that Formosa is more 
densely peopled than any other colony, in fact it ranks be- 
tween Switzerland and the German Empire, which shows that 
in this respect it is already fairly well developed. From the 
industrial point of view, however, the island is still in an 
nfant state, as she can obtain but little help from capital and 
modern machinery, which have contributed so lai^ely to the 
success of the colonies belonging to Europe and the United 
States. For the next fifty or sixty years, at least, Formosa 
must continue to be an agricultural colony, and the increase of 
the labouring class is therefore especially desirable. 



POPULATION AND FUTURE DEVELOPMENT 201 

If we compare Formosa with Kiushiu, for instance, the 
area of the two islands is almost exactly the same, but Kiushiu 
supports a population of 6,Soo,cxx) persons, over double that 
of Formosa, We may hope, therefore, that the population 
of Formosa will increase to equal that of Kiushiu. Then the 
island will be self-supporting and a good market for Japanese 
manufactures. It looks, though, as if it would be a long time 
before this happy result is reached, for, though Formosa has 
a fair population already, she has a very low birth rate, and 
that coupled with her very high death rate gives only a very 
slight increase each year, as appears from the following 
table :— 

BIRTHS AND DEATHS IN FORMOSA. 



Yeu, 


Binha. 


D-.h.. 


DifotOCT. 


H>I«. 


Famateg. 


TouL 


M.l«. 


Femilu. 


Toul. 


z 

1900 

1901 
190a 
•903 
1904 


17.389 
22.145 

32,180 
33."o 

40.764 
4«.738 


I4.»» 

16,189 

list 

34.986 

35.5'o 
46,384 


31.688 
38,434 
57.S64 
59.4«> 
75.750 
77.»48 
99.39S 


it,iS6 

«6.046 
37.614 
33.^86 
44.79" 
45,492 
51.068 


7.y<7 


19,083 

27.833 
48,981 

BI.S6S 
94.636 


+ 11.605 
+ 10,601 

+ 8,583 
+ 414 

- 865 

- 5.320 

+ 4.759 



This table shows that the net increase declined till 1903, 
when the deaths exceeded the births by S.320, and that during 
these seven years the population only increased by 30,777, 
that is to say, by 4.397 persons each year ; in other words, the 
increase was I'S per I.OCX). The increase in the death rate 
is partly due to the operations for the sweeping away of the 
brigands carried out since 1898, in which many adults have 
been killed. Up to 1903 over 7, $00 brigands lost their lives, 
and during the same period over 2,400 Japanese were killed 
by them. The majority of these were adult males, and, on 
this account, the above statistics do not show the increase 
which it may reasonably be supposed would have taken place 
under ordinary conditions. 

In order to arrive at the true birth and death rate it would 
be necessary to deduct from the figures given in the above 
table all the deaths which occurred owing to the troubles with 
the brigands, and then add to the births the number of children 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

' which these men might have had supposing they had not been 

killed. This would make the birth rate somewhat higher and 
the death rate lower; but even so, more than a hundred years 
must elapse before Formosa can have as large a population 
as Kiushiu now has. 

Another discouraging feature is that the women in For- 
mosa, with the exception of the tea-pickers and the Hakka 
women, shut themselves up all day in their houses and do not 
go out and help their husbands in the fields. In this respect, 
' the Kiushiu people have a great advantage, and are able to 
accomplish far more work than the Formosans. Furthermore, 
the present inhabitants were not all of them bom in Formosa. 
Their numbers are constantly being recruited by immigrants 
coming from the mainland of China. 

There are few colonies in the world which do not to-day 
show a larger rate of increase than Formosa. Even in such 
an unhealthy place as Mauritius, where the death rate is 34 
per 1,000, the birth rate is 36, showing an increase of 2 per 
:,0O0. In British Guiana the increase is 13 per 1,000. Tas- 
mania, which in 1881 showed only r38, had in 1901 advanced 
to 1 '64, while New Zealand had during the same period advanced 
from '6 to rgper 1,000, Thus Formosa has no reason for boast- 
ing in this respect. At the same time we must remember that 
up to the time of our occupation, the people of the island had no 
thought at all of sanitary measures, but were wholly at the 
mercy of climatic epidemics ; and, though we have now been 
in occupation nine years, yet as the first half of that time was 
taken up in putting down the brigands, only three or four 
years have really been spent in improving the country. Doubt- 
less, therefoVe, Formosa will show a much larger rate of increase 
hereafter. 

As a matter of fact, the Japanese authorities have done 
their utmost to improve the sanitary condition of the island. 
The cities and larger towns look completely changed on ac- 
count of the waterworks and drainage arrangements which 
have been constructed. There are public doctors, medical 
schools and hospitals, and I would gladly send my children to 
I the island. At the same time it is undeniable that the statis- 

[ ti cs still show a high death rate, but most of these deaths are 
^^^Kose of children under three, or of persons over eighty years 



w 



POPULATION AND FUTURE DEVELOPMENT 



203 



of age. This may be put down to mere ignorance rather than 
to sickness, to ignorance how to live in such a warm dimate. 
Indeed 1 was told that children who survive the critical period 
and live to be three, are usually quite healthy, according to the 
law of the survival of the fittest. I am not in a position to 
judge of the correctness of this explanation, but it is clear that 
a long period must elapse before Formosa is able to supply all 
the labour she needs. The urgent question to-day is how to 
cultivate the 1,700,000 acres of arable land which are still un- 
touched, and also to take up other industrial work in connec- 
tion with farming. 

As I mentioned before, Formosa must remain an agricul- 
tural colony for a long time. Any industry she begins must 
be agricultural. The very first step, therefore, for us to take in 
order to open up her treasure stores, is to transform her plains 
into rice fields, sugar gardens, and tea plantations. As for 
this, nothing is required but the expansion of the present agri- 
cultural operations; everybody will agree as to its advantages. 

To give an instance. The amount of Formosan rice ex- 
ported to Japan and foreign countries varies from year to year 
according to the crop, but the average value is about 2,400,000 
yen a year. This with an area under rice less than 388,000 
acres. Some of the fields give only one crop, though on ac- 
count of Formosa's special characteristics two crops might be 
obtained equally well. I f, therefore, al! the fields were cultivated 
so as to produce double crops and new rice fields covering an 
area of 1,212,500 acres were planted, 10,000,000 yen worth of 
rice could be sent to Japan every year. Japan now imports 
about 25,000,000 yen worth of rice every year from abroad, 
but Formosan rice could easily take the place of much of this. 

Again, Japan imports every year nearly 134,000 tons of 
sugar, for which she pays about 20,000,000 yen. In 1902, 
Formosa exported over 1,000,000 yen worth of sugar to foreign 
countries and also over 3,000,000 yen worth to Japan. If 
485,000 acres of land were devoted to sugar, thus making the 
sugar plantations six times their present area, then Japan could 
obtain her whole sugar supply from Formosa, and the decision 
of the Brussels Sugar Conference would make no difference to 
us. Formosa is so fertile and has so much land still unculti- 
vated, that she might easily become a great support to Japan 



204 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

were it not for her scanty population. Thus we see that, 
though in some ways she appears to be well peopled, she is as 
a matter of fact very badly off in this respect 

Wages always rise in sparsely peopled countries where 
there is abundance of land and work. Before Japan occupied 
Formosa, a coolie received from thirteen to twenty sen a day, 
but now these wages have more than doubled. The following 
table will be of interest in this connection : — 

WAGES OP WORKERS IN FORUOSA (IM JAPANESE CURRENCY) 





J.p.«^ 


F,™«-» 


Muons and brickmakeia .... 

Tub-maker. 

Boat-builderi 

Blackamilhs 

Engravers on sione, etc 

Harvesters. '.'.'.'.'.'. 

Women hired by the month . . . 
Twlon . 


1-30 per day 

«'3o .. 
a-co „ 
I-30 .. 

6-00 per month 
35-w .. 


■Toperdmy 

S :; 

•70 .. 
■80 „ 
•70 .. 

•MS .. 

■5« .. 
■35 .. 
3'oo per montb 
30-00 „ 



These are not low rates for an agricultural colony. How- 
ever enterprising and however willing the people of Japan may 
be to invest their capital in Formosa, they cannot do so as long 
as the wages are so high. Not once only, but again and again, 
have I heard capitalists in Tokyo refuse on this ground alone 
to listen to anybody from Formosa who tried to persuade them 
to invest their capital in the island and engage in farming upon 
a large scale, and I think they are perfectly r^ht in doing so. 
This shows that the only way the island can be opened up is 
by importing foreign labour. 

Fortunately men can be hired very cheaply in China, just 
across the Formosan Strait. It is calculated that in the pro- 
vince of Kiangsi there are 306 persons to the square mile, in 
Fokien 306, in Canton 196, and in Shantung 410. It is also 
said that the corruption of the Government and the difficulty 
of making a living drive the people to emigrate in yearly in- 
creasing numbers. For the sake of making money, they are 
ready to go anywhere, to face any danger. If therefore 
Formosa opens the door and shows her readiness to receive 



I 



J 



POPULATION AND FUTURE DEVELOPMENT 305 

them and give them work, they will come across in flocks, and, 
by lowering the rates of wages, relieve the present situation 
and greatly facilitate the work of opening up the country. For 
if they go abroad at all, it is a very easy matter for thera to 
go to Formosa, because the island is so near and the language 
and customs are the same as their own. 

The great question is how to invite them. Many people 
say: "Oh, let some capitalist in Japan invest his capital in the 
island, and emigration companies will spring up at once and 
furnish him with all the labour he requires ". Those who say 
so, however, omit to take into consideration the fact that our 
Tokyo and Osaka capitalists, while sitting quietly at home, 
not only can easilysecure a profit of over 15 per cent., but also 
enjoy great social influence and consideration. How then 
could they be induced to send their capital over to Formosa 
except at an altogether prohibitive rate of interest ? For this 
reason I would like to see the Govern or- General carry out the 
policy of State monopolies to the fullest extent, as has been 
done in Java, where the Government, as a large landowner, 
has opened up the country upon an extensive scale. If this 
policy were adopted in Formosa, the Governor-General could 
easily summon emigrants from beyond the sea and make them 
his tenants. 

It is true that it was for a long time an accepted principle 
among the statesmen of the world, that the office of a Govern- 
ment is to superintend the people in all their social relations, 
without encumbering itself with industrial enterprises ; but in 
modem times with the rise and rapid development of industrial 
competition between nations, that theory has become unten- 
able, absolute individualism has lost its ground in industry, and 
great industries tend more and more to pass under the control 
of corporations and trusts national in their extent, or to be- 
come municipal or Government monopolies. When our 
authorities monopolised the tobacco industry in Japan, and 
camphor, opium and salt in Formosa, everybody was quite 
taken aback ; but nowadays hardly any one would think such 
an act at all strange. I should not wonder, indeed, if, in a few 
years, the municipalities of Tokyo or Osaka should engage, 
like some of their English sister corporations, in industrial 
production and distribution, and supply milk or gas, or perhaps 



2o6 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

sell rice and charcoal, thus assisting the people to live cheaply 
and comfortably. 

The Formosan Government monopolies have been so suc- 
cessful that no one ever hears any criticism of the system, and 
people now quite approve of the Government engaging in 
business. Any manufacturing or farming enterprise giving 
employment to a large number of workers would secure quite 
as warm approval as the salt or camphor business. 

I myself can see no reason why the Formosan Government 
should not lease out the Crown lands to tenants willing and 
able to cultivate them. There would be nothing new in that 
The system was introduced into the island by Koxinga, and 
when the island fell into the hands of the Chinese, was adopted 
and e-xtended by them. There are still numbers of farms 
which since then are Government property, and the tenants of 
which pay the Government rent for them as well as taxes. In 
addition to these, the Government possesses immense tracts of 
mountains, forests and virgin arable land. I hope this great 
landowner will take all the necessary steps and invite labourers 
to come over from the Chinese mainland for the purpose of 
opening up the yet uncultivated portions of the island. The 
policy followed by the Dutch Government in Java is well worth 
our attention. The land in that island was the property of 
tribal chiefs, the tillers of the soil, as in the Loochoos, being 
only life tenants. The crop from a part of each farm was the 
farmer's remuneration ; that from the rest went to the priests 
and the tribal chief In 1803, the Dutch Governor-General, 
Dendel, availing himself of this custom, substituted Govern- 
ment ownership for that of the chiefs. The number of farmers 
in each village was fixed, new cultures and methods of irriga- 
tion were introduced, and the products to be raised by each 
village were determined. If coffee, for instance, was to be 
planted, the number of berries to be planted each year was 
settled. These rules are strictly adhered to in order to pre- 
vent over-production and a consequent fall in prices. This is 
the way Java has managed to obtain such splendid sugar plan- 
tations as are to be found nowhere else in the world. Other 
good results were that in the course of forty-live years, from 
1831 to 187s, the Dutch authorities managed to save 700,000,000 
florins ; crime also decreased so greatly that it was only found 



I 



J 



POPULATION AND FUTURE DEVELOPMENT 207 

necessary to open the court-house for thirty days a year. 
During that period the population rose from 6,000.000 to 
11,000,000, and the produce of the taxes from 332 yen to 
824 yen per head. But on account of the arrogance of the 
powerful, and through the Home Government's undue interfer- 
ence, this admirable policy has been overthrown, and the in- 
dustries have in consequence suffered severely. 

I am far from suggesting the adoption of a similar policy 
in Formosa, as I know some reasons which would make it 
quite out of the question there. But I believe that the policy 
of bringing over labourers from the mainland of China to 
cultivate the Crown lands would be most wise, and would 
materially further the industrial development of the island. 
The benefits to be derived from the Government itself engag- 
ing in agriculture and opening up the country are manifold. 
Not only would the hitherto uncultivated land be utilised, but 
the authorities could see that it be put to the best possible use 
by selecting the products best suited to the country and people. 
In that way alone is it possible to get over the difficulties 
arising from the ignorance of the islanders and their lack of 
capital. The purpose of our Formosan authorities is, it seems 
to me, to concentrate their energies on the development of the 
sugar industry, and to make it the main industry in the island. 
They have done their utmost to encourage it. According to 
Ordinance No. 5, issued in June, 1902, the regulations for en- 
couraging sugar manufacturing in Formosa provide, that any 
competent person wishing to cultivate or manufacture sugar 
may receive Government aid towards the purchase of sugar 
sprouts, fertilisers and other necessaries, in addition to the 
ploughing and irrigation expenses. The Crown lands can 
moreover be leased to him without rent, and if he shows him- 
self successful, the right of cultivating the land permanently may 
be granted to him. In general, the Formosan Chinese cannot 
avail themselves of these privil^es, because of their ignorance 
and lack of means. That is why sugar planting has not yet 
made much progress. If, however, the Government planted 
some of its own land and proved that sugar growing is re- 
munerative, sugar manufacturing companies would spring up, 
and it would be unnecessary for the Government to give further 
instruction or encour^ement 



208 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



The same result might be attained more rapidly, perhaps, 
by giving foreign capitalists a free hand. But they would 
certainly not invest in the industry the necessary amount, 
unless the Government give them sufficient inducement and 
security in the shape of large land concessions. That, however, 
would necessitate the expropriation of private owners. Further- 
more, nobody but the Government will go to the expense of 
draining or irrigating land. For this reason, too, it seems 
very desirable that it should own the land itself. The parti- 
cular method to be adopted must, however, be decided as 
opportunities arise, but I incline to think it would be wise for our 
authorities to secure the services of some contractors as Holland 
does in Java. I have spoken of sugar, but the same thing holds 
true also in regard to rice and tea. The necessary funds would 
have to be obtained by resorting to a Public Loan, but I believe 
that once the authorities have fully decided to enter upon the 
work, there will be no difficulty in raising the required capttaL 

Plant life thrives in the tropics, and in the same way the 
inhabitants are usually very prolific; but, for some yet unex- 
plained reason, tropical colonies nearly always have to import 
outside labour. This is true in regard to the following British 
Colonies, vis. : British Guiana, Trinidad, Mauritius, Fiji, Ceylon, 
Straits Settlements, Borneo, Natal, Transvaal, Sarawak, Sum- 
atra, Queensland ; also in such French Colonies as Indo-China, 
Algeria, French Centra! Africa, French Guiana and New 
Caledonia ; also in Hawaj. The tropical colonies which do not 
import labour from abroad are Java, Porto Rico, Cuba and 
India. It is a striking fact that those colonies which import 
outside labour prosper rapidly in trade, while those which do 
not do so, make but little advance. The superiority of the 
labour importing colonies will be seen at once from the following 
table which shows the yen value fier capita of the exports. 



1 



LiboDi laipiiriiD[ CouDUi 



Nen-lmpciniDC CosBitk*. 



Quecndand , 
Malaysia 
THnidail 
Mauriliui 
British Guiana 
Fiji lalandi 



Bubados 
Porlo Rico 
Venezuela 
Braiil 



I7*S0 



Guatemala .... 7*50 



• 5-oB ^m 



POPULATION AND FUTURE DEVELOPMENT 209 

The proposal to invite Chinese over to Formosa may be 
criticised on the ground that it will make the island altt^ether 
too Chinese, but that is to overlook the fact that nearly all the 
present inhabitants are Chinese immigrants from the mainland. 
The mere increase of their number from 3,000,000 to say 
6,000,000 or even to 8,000,000, will make very little difference 
in the general make-up of the Formosan national character. 
We must be satisfied with protecting them in their social state, 
and directing their political and industrial activities into the 
proper channels. Any attempt to force our customs and social 
institutions upon them and to mould them on the Japanese 
model, will only imperil our policy of colonizing the island 
without achieving any good result. We have still a large 
amount to accomplish both in the north and west, and if we 
attempt to undertake too much we shall accomplish nothing, 
Mr, Charles Bell, a member of the French Colonial group, said 
in his book on the colony of Indo-China in reference to the Hong 
Kong administration, " The success which the British have 
achieved in Hong Kong is chiefly due to the co-operation of 
the Chinese, that is to say of the Chinese merchants, com- 
pradores and coolies, not to that of the Chinese authorities, 
whose approval or disapproval counts for very little. But 
for the co-operation of the three classes of people here mentioned, 
the English could not have achieved such noteworthy success." 

We should not forget that the secret of success in tropical 
colonization especially lies in winning the confidence of the 
natives by a libei^al and wise administration and securing their 
loyal co-operation, as England has done in Hong Kong. 




CHAPTER XIV. 

THE SAVAGES AND THEIR TERRITORY. 

The urgency of the lavage problem —What ha* been accomplished — Origin of 
the Mtificial boundahc* — Savage* in poucuion of a laige part of the iiland 
— Drienaive rorcci and their origin — Then tphera of action and organisation 
— The hardahipn of their life — Cutting off the aavagel' aupply of hreatms — 
III Mliafactory re»ult— Failure of military expedition*— The present policy 
— The hnk between the va/toui lavage groupi — Conjecturei about theii 
origin— Invetligati on t and conclusioni — The savage groups : location, 
culture, cuilomi and manneri : Atayal, Vonum, Tsou, Tsaliien, Paiwan. 
Puyuma, Ami and Pepo — tlousei and people in each K'oip — Degenetalion 
of Mvagct under the Chineie rtgime — Number of people killed by lavage* 
■Ince 1900 — Wonderful change in lavagc girli taken to Osaka Exhibition — 
Savagea quite capable of being dvillied— The Chartered Company ayitem 
the but to open up the Mvage territory — Advantagei of this plan — Qualifi- 
calioni required for the taali. 

While recogniising how much the Formosan authorities have 
already accomplished, [ cannot help regretting that the problem 
of the savages has not yet been fully solved. This may in 
tome measure be accounted for by the fact that, since the island 
passed into our possession, only a little more than six years has 
elapsed, and that during the greater part of that time the 
attention of the authorities has been almost entirely absorbed 
in the suppression of the brigands. But, considered from the 
standpoint of our political life, six years cannot be called very- 
short In any case, I am convinced that it is now high time 
for this problem to be taken in hand in earnest. As I write 
this, Baron Goto, the Chief of the Civil Administration, is said 
to be on the point of finishing his very extensive tour of in- 
si«ction through the savage districts both in the north and 
the south, having travelled about five hundred miles altogether 
and left only forty miles unvisited. I hope this tour of the 
Baron's may prove the means of accelerating the solution of 
this problem. 



I 



THE SAVAGES AND THEIR TERRITORY 211 

I do not mean to insinuate for a moment that the authorities 
have given no thought to the savages; on the contrary, they 
have established a committee for exploring the Savage Terri- 
tory, and have also opened a temporary bureau for attending to 
all matters connected with them. As a general rule, the policy 
of suppression is pursued towards such fierce tattooed savages 
as those belonging to the Atayal trit>e. 

With the other more numerous and less barbarous savages, 
more lenient methods are followed, which met with a measure 
of success even during the time of genera! disturbance on ac- 
count of the brigands. Thirty or forty members of these tribes 
graduated from the School for Languages, and afterwards took 
the Normal Course in the same school, corresponding to the 
Normal School course in Japan. Others became sub-police- 
men. The mental condition of these savages has undergone 
a remarkable transformation. The human skulls which they 
were accustomed to use to adorn their abodes have been re- 
moved and monkey skulls put up instead. Some, with the 
permission of the authorities, are endeavouring to make a living 
by felling the trees, which grow so luxuriantly on the land 
which they claim as their own property. Many of them know 
the use, and have learned to appreciate, the value of silver coins 
as a medium of exchange, so that now in many of their villages 
Japanese travellers can, if they wish, have their money changed. 

In February, 1900, the authorities promulgated Law No. 7. 
This law states that nobody except savages may, under any 
pretext whatever, occupy or use any portion of the Savage 
Territory, nor lay any claim whatever to it But, at the same 
time, it is provided that the aforesaid prohibition does not 
apply to cases specially provided for otherwise, nor to those 
persons who have received special permission. Any violation 
of this order renders the offender liable to a fine of not less 
than 100 yen and to imprisonment with hard labour for not 
more than six months. 

In September, 1896, Ordinance No. 30 was issued provid- 
ing that all persons wishing to enter the Savage Border, ex- 
cept those who do so for business purposes with the permission 
of the district authorities, shall first obtain permission from 
the Chief of the Pacification Office. To this ordinance also 
pecuniary and corporeal punishments are appended. 



h. 



312 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

The term " Savage Border " as used in the above ordinance 
is very vague and indefinite; but it includes those localities 
which serve as connecting links between the level lands and 
the mountains, and roughly follows the line of the Earthen 
Bulls or Embankments which were established by the Chinese. 

in 1722, the Chinese Governor of the island, wishing to 
establish a clear and distinct boundary between the lands of 
his countrymen and those belonging to the savages, constructed 
an embankment along the alleged frontier, and ordered his 
countrymen not to go beyond it He thus hoped to put an 
end to the complications and Bgbting which up till that time 
had been almost continuous between the two races. At that 
time, the savages were considered as outside the pale of civili- 
sation, and the policy the Chinese adopted towards them may 
be summed up in the wonds, " Govern them by leaving them 
strictly alone ". 

Hitherto our authorities have adopted very much the same 
policy ; but now that order has been established and peace re- 
stored, the economic development of the island cannot be 
stopped for ever on account of a few thousand savages. One 
glance at the map will show the urgent necessity there is at 
this juncture to cultivate the savage districts. The entire area 
of Formosa is estimated at about 14,000 square miles, of which 
nearly half is still in the hands of the savages, outside the reach 
of our Government. According to the official survey, land in 
Formosa at less than 1.500 feet above the sea level is covered 
with grass and has few if any trees, while that above 1,500 
and below 3,500 feet is clothed with dense forests teeming with 
laigc and valuable trees, among which camphor trees may be 
specially mentioned. This timber belt covers about 5,230,000 
acres. It is supposed also to be rich in deposits of gold, iron 
and kerosene oil. But, at present, it is occupied only by the 
savages, and only the agricultural resources of the coast plains 
are exploited. In my opinion, the golden key to the exhaust- 
less wealth of the island will only be obtained by opening up 
the savage districts. 

In the chapter on the Camphor Monopoly, I had occasion 
to mention the fact that the Government had organised guards 
to protect the camphor workers from the attacks of the savages. 
These guards are posted along the whole length of the savage 



THE SAVAGES AND THEIR TERRITORY 213 

frontier. In the neighbourhood of Taihoku, the line starts 
from the village of Keibi and runs through Shiitchiku and 
Bioritsu to Shushuho near Nanto. In the early part of the 
eighteenth century, when the Chinese authorities had put down 
the ordinary insurrections, the savages gave so much trouble 
that the Chinese immigrants were kept inconstant fear of their 
lives. Some fifty or sixty years later, guard-houses were es- 
tablished at important points in mountain passes. At that 
time, two persons named Kiong Kim and Kong Hok in the 
Taichu district, and a certain man named Kok Tsun in Chikuho, 
Hokuho, Tokanho and Kaizanho, at the head of forces col- 
lected and armed at their own expense, fought against the 
savages and succeeded in driving them far into the mountains. 
In recognition of this meritorious action, the authorities 
granted them the lands which they had wrested from the 
savages. This was the origin of the guards. These were at 
first a sort of military colonists; but afterwards mercenary ' 
soldiers were employed. In later years, however, neither the 
guards nor the officials kept to their agreements and discipline 
became lax until, at last, the guards were only an empty name. 
In the Budget each year a special item appeared for their 
maintenance, but, in reality, there were no guards at all. At 
the time of our occupation the whole line was non-existent 
except in a certain portion of Taichu prefecture. Our author- 
ities have now revived and improved this ancient institution, 
hoping by this means to guarantee peace and order. 

The guard lines which commence in the neighbourhood of 
Taihoku are as under : — 

1. The Shinko line runs from Keibi-sokutsu through 
Raikoha, Sokeiko, Kokutsu and Jinhatsushi to Okei. 

2. A second line starts from Sankakuyu and passing through 
Jushichiryo and Jusanten reaches the vicinity of Mount Shoku- 
mea 

3. Another runs from Taikokan and Suikeito to Juiyo 
through Kimpeisha, Haburansha, Rahausha, KeikJsha, Abohei 
and Kyusekimon. 

4. A fourth runs through Tainan (near Shinchiku), Hakketo, 
Taitosei and Shotosei to Shirisho. 

In the Taichu District the lines run as under : — 

1. One tine begins at the village of Kyoto in the upper 



214 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 







course of the Kyarakoku River in Bioritsu and runs southwards 
through NanshokusuizannaJ and Naiwanshoto to Borikei. 

2. A second line serves as a bulwark in the neighbourhood 
of Toseikaku. 

3. A third line, which defends the Nanto neighbourhood, 
runs near Shushuho and Jukisho. 

The above guards are supplemented by others which are 
organised and maintained by the camphor manufacturers. Thus 
the whole length of the guard line, which durii^ the Chinese 
administration only measured about hlty miles, and in 1896 
only 100 miles, now stretches over 300 miles. Now the whole 
of the Savage Border is guarded both in the north and the 
south by military police, and all communication with the 
savages is strictly watched. 

At intervals of about half a mile or so, the line is strengthened 
by guard-houses, built strongly enough to withstand the savages' 
attacks and defended with a strong rampart. Two or three 
guards live in each house, so that there are altogether 838 
guards always on duty. These are all Formosan natives. 
There is besides, one superintendent's station to every four or 
five guard-houses, each in charge of a policeman who lives 
there with his family. These stations now number 184 in all. 
Then again four or five of these superintendents' stations are 
entrusted to the supervision of a police sergeant or sub-police 
sei^eant, who in his turn is under the control of the local 
governor. The Government guards consist of 2 police ser- 
geants, 15 sub-police sergeants, 175 policemen, 51 native sub- 
police, and 2,620 guards. If we add to these figures the 
number of the private guards, the grand total of all the force 
is 3,100 men. 

Guns arc mounted at important points along the line, and 
sentinels patrol the space between the guard-houses with rifles, 
and challenge all savages who come anywhere near the line. 
Even those savages who have permission to travel and com- 
municate freely, are not allowed to approach the lines except 
at certain fixed points. The sentinels have full permission to 
use their rifles whenever their challenge is disregarded. The 
superintendents' houses are connected with each other hy 
means of alarms, and every morning the inmates inquire 
whether anything has happened during the night. 



In this M 



THE SAVAGES AND THEIR TERRITORY 215 

way, the guards are also enabled to summon assistance in case 
of need. 

The hardships and privations which these guards are sub- 
jected to, should claim for them our heartfelt sympathy. The 
superintendents' stations are all situated in lonely places far 
from all human society, sometimes indeed in the depths of 
mountains, or in the middle of dense forests of ancient trees 
of enormous size and height. Here these superintendents pick 
up a hard-earned and extremely precarious livelihood. They 
cannot even go to the spring in security to draw water, death 
staring them ever in the face at the hands of the fierce savages, 
who may be lurking in the bushes. On such occasions, the 
wife takes a bucket in one hand and a rifle in the other, and 
sets out followed by the husband with his rifle ready loaded 
and cocked, and at the close of each day which passes without 
accident, as also each morning, they congratulate each other 
that they are still alive. Baron Goto made an extended tour 
recently far beyond the guard lines, penetrating with his staff 
deep into the savage districts. This tour was the first of the 
kind to be undertaken since our occupation of the island, and 
all the residents welcomed him warmly, but perhaps those 
who welcomed him most warmly were those police who were 
on guard in these superintendents' houses. To receive a visit 
from the Baron, while they were living there in the midst of 
so much danger, seemed to these solitary couples as if they 
were favoured with a heavenly visitant. In the course of con- 
versation afterwards, Baron Goto said that he had himself been 
moved to tears when he saw how they were circumstanced. 
Such a state of life may indeed be likened to the solitary life 
led by those unfortunates in China, who in olden times were 
assigned to the garrisons far beyond the Great Wall, where 
they had ever to be on their guard against the ravages of the 
furious Huns, a constant menace for so many years to the 
peace and tranquillity of the Middle Kingdom. The hard- 
ships they suffered and their lonely existence were a favourite 
theme with Chinese poets, who loved to descant upon the 
hard fate of these guardians of the public peace. The life of 
the Formosan guards is well worthy of being sung by our poets, 
and would fiimish them with many a touching incident. 

Those traders only who are officially permitted to do so. 



iJ 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



216 

can go beyond the guard lines and barter with the savages, but 
they are strictly enjoined not to furnish either arms or ammuni- 
tion. Consequently the mountain savages are now entirely cut 
off from their supply of these articles, except throi^h occasional 
smu^ling. Thus they have been, so to speak, shorn of their 
power of evil. This has been a hard blow to them, so much 
so, indeed, that some of them have come and entreated our offi- 
cials to supply them with arms and ammunition, promising that 
in future they would under no circumstances whatever use them 
against any human being, and pleading that without these they 
would be deprived of the greatest pleasure they had in life, bear 
hunting and fowl shooting. To all their entreaties our officials 
turned a deaf ear, saying that all hunting was contrary to the 
principles of humanity, and the savages should, therefore, turn 
their attention instead to tilling the land and growing corn and 
potatoes. In this way the Government hopes to reduce them 
to impotence and force them to take up gentler ways of living. 
This is doubtless a very sound and necessary policy to 
adopt towards them ; indeed, it is already beginning to bear 
good fruit Recently a body of savages in Toshien and Shinko 
Dictricts came to our officials and requested to be allowed to 
surrender, pledging themselves never more to inflict injury upon 
the peaceful inhabitants of the district. This they did, because 
their supply of fire-arms, ammunition and salt was so reduced 
as to endanger their very existence. In spite of stringent pro- 
hibitions, a highly remunerative trade in these articles had 
been carried on across the border, the savages living near the 
line reselling them to those living further inland at exorbitant 
prices, obtaining in some cases as much as one yen for three 
cartridges. But now it seems as if even this roundabout way of 
traffic has been stopped, and the savages, in consequence, have 
no other alternative but to surrender and ask for mercy at our 
hands. The Imperial Government will not accept their sur- 
render hastily. They must first prove their sincerity, and then 
the authorities will make minute investigations as to how many 
savages there are, and only sell them the exact amount of salt 
which is decided upon as necessary for their use. In this way 
the authorities will also obtain accurate knowledge of the 
geographical features of the Savage Territory, which will stand 
them in good stead in case the savages return later to 



I 
I 

I 

I 



their fl 



THE SAVAGES AND THEIR TERRITORY 217 

old ways and again try to resist the Government, in which case 
the suppressing operations would not be likely to end in failure 
as they have done so often in the past. 

Repeated attempts to subjugate the savages by force have 
been made since 1895, but it is no exaggeration to say that not 
a single one was successful. Our most conspicuous failure was 
the one which befel an expedition on an extensive scale which 
had been despatched against the Tarokaku savages near Taito, 
when a considerable number of fire-arms fell into the hands of 
the savages. As a result, they exclaimed with effrontery that 
the Murata rifles were very feeble and weak, meaning by the 
term " Murata rifles " the Japanese army. This fact cannot 
of course be taken as a test of the real efficiency of our army ; 
the sole cause of the disaster being the imperfect acquaintance 
our men had with the geography of the district. They were 
obliged to force their way through creepers and undergrowth 
along almost forgotten tracks, where the footprints of birds 
and beasts were their only guide, though had they but known 
it, there was a regular path not far off. Moreover, the savages 
can run like deer and climb like monkeys, sometimes spring- 
ing up into trees for refuge when closely pursued, and some- 
times covering the ground in long leaps or skilfully hiding 
themselves in the bushes. It is no wonder that our expeditions 
hitherto have achieved no perceptible measure of success, when 
we call to mind that they were conducted in accordance with 
the accepted principles of militarj- tactics. Regular troops are 
of little use in guerilla warfare. But I believe that when the 
brigands are exterminated and the constabulary are able to de- 
vote their full attention to the defence of the savage frontiers, 
all the savages will lose their means of subsistence and be com- 
pelled to come in and tender their submission. The geography 
of their district will then come to light, and with the aid of the 
knowledge thus obtained, it will be possible to devise means to 
complete their subjugation. 

Our policy towards them is, in sum and substance, simply a 
continuation of that which was adopted towards the brigands ; 
and the fruits are now beginning to ripen. Just now our 
authorities are considering a scheme to divide off a section of 
the savage district by building a road ten miles long in the 
northern part of the island from Kutsshaku to Giran. When 



2i8 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

this is done, the savages living to the north of this road will 
be completely isolated and be compelled to surrender, and in 
consequence the district for felling camphor trees will be con- 
siderably extended. The Keito tribe, also, who have acquired 
the name of being the wildest and fiercest of all the savages, 
will suffer not a little, and as a result the Taikokan savages who 
chiefly depend upon the Keito savages for supplies, will be 
much weakened. Thus the plan proposed appears likely to be 
of material assistance in solving this difficult problem. 

At present, the people who have accepted our rule number 
some 3,000,000. They occupy only about one-third of the 
whole area of Formosa, while the remaining two-thirds of the 
island is all in the hands of the savages who number only about 
100,000, and who never tolerate any intrusion upon their terri- 
tory. From this, some may imagine that these savages are all 
members of one distinct race, and that the whole roo,ooo souls 
maintain perfect communication with one another. But in 
reality they are split up into several hundred different tribes 
and families who are each quite independent of the others. 
Not only do they hold no communication with one another, 
but often a tribe living in one district is in absolute ignorance 
of the existence of any other tribe. Moreover, even between 
sections of the same tribe, strife and quarrelling are of common 
occurrence. If there exists anything which may be said to be 
common to all the savages, it is the Malayan blood which flows 
in their veins and the almost implacable hatred which they 
feel, not only against the Formosan Chinese, but also against 
all new<omers from foreign lands. 

There seems to be a consensus of opinion among scholars 
that most of the tribes are of Malayan origin. Though not 
qualified to pronounce an authoritative opinion upon this sub- 
ject, I entertain a firm conviction that our Japanese ancestors 
and these savages are in some way blood relations. During 
my stay in Taihoku, I went one day to the Medical School, and 
was present in some of the class-rooms while the lectures were 
given, In one class I noticed a student asking the lecturer 
some question, and remarked that his whole appearance was 
quite distinct from that of all the other students in the room. 
Not only in physique, but also in the colour of his eyes, he bore 
no resemblance to ordinary Formosan students, but reminded 



SAVAGE TYPES. 




r 



L 



THE SAVAGES AND THEIR TERRITORY 219 

me much of Japanese students from Kiushiu. On inquiring 
from the principal instructor in the school, I was informed that 
he belonged to one of the savage tribes. 1 believe, therefore, 
that it would be a most interesting and fruitful historical study 
to compare these savages either with the Kumaso family in 
Kiushiu with the Lord Ada No Obashi or else with the fero- 
cious chieftain Nagasunehiko, but this must be left to the care 
and study of specialists. 

Not long ago the authorities despatched two officials, Messrs. 
Ino and Kurino, to the savage districts for the purpose of 
thoroughly investigating everything relating to the savages. 
After an extended tour which occupied about six months, they 
presented a report in book form of the results of their re- 
searches. According to this report, the savages may be divided 
into eight groups, each having its own peculiar language and 
customs and manners : — 

1. Atayal Group. 5. Paiwan Group. 

2. Vonum Group. 6. Puyuma Group, 

3. Tsou Group. 7. Ami Group, 

4. Tsalisen Group. 8. Pepo Group. 

I. The Atayal Group. 
If a line be drawn across the island from east to west 
through Horisha, the savage district will be roughly divided 
into two halves. The savages living to the north of the line 
are distinguishable from the others by the tattoo marks on their 
faces, the southern tribes not tattooing themselves at all. Among 
the northern tribes the one which is scattered over the lai^est 
area is the Atayal Group. Their sphere of influence, so to say, 
is limited by a line drawn from Kutsshaku and Toi in the north 
to Mount Kantatsuman in the Horisha District and to Gyo- 
bikei in the Kirai District. They mostly live in mountain 
recesses, are extremely ferocious and attach great importance to 
head-hunting. This group is more uncivilised than any of the 
others. They are divided into many small tribes, the members 
of which are like one family, under the patriarchal rule of the 
chieftain. Each tribe has farms, but no paddy fields. These 
farms are communal property, and are divided among the 
families of the tribe in proportion to the number of people in 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

each. The portion thus allotted is respected by all, and is 
never liable to be encroached upon by the other members of 
the tribe. Sometimes, two or more tribes will unite to form a 
larger tribe. This happens mostly when a man of unusual 
ability appears who makes his influence felt over isolated tribes. 
In consultation with the other elders, the chief decides all 
matters of importance affecting the tribe. His office is heredi- 
tary, but if he has no children or if his heir is an idiot, he 
appoints some other successor. As head of the tribe, he has 
authority to mete out punishment for adultery, for quarrelling 
and for theft. Adultery is considered the most serious crime, 
and in such cases both criminal parties are as a rule put to the 
sword. At present, the family inheritance passes down throt^h 
the male line, but signs are still seen which show that at one 
time it passed through the female line. The fact that both the 
grandfather and grandmother are alike called " Yakki," and that 
the mother alone has the absolute right of naming the new-born 
children, are given as fully proving this assertion. 

The houses are of very simple construction. First, four 
pillars are set in the ground in two rows, the two front ones 
being somewhat higher than the back ones. To these pillars 
are bound props and laths, the entire rude structure being 
covered with rushes from the wayside. No distinction is made 
between the walls and the roof. In some cases, however, middle 
pillars are made use of, and occasionally the interior is divided 
into rooms. Granaries are also built ; poultry runs and sheds 
to shelter pigs complete the establishment On the farms, 
chestnut trees, potatoes, Indian com, hemp, flax, ginger, earth 
nuts, tobacco and taros are cultivated. The harvests are once 
a year, seldom twice. The savages bum the stubs remaining 
in the ground after harvest and thus unwittingly enrich the 
soil ; otherwise they do not appear to understand the use of 
fertilisers. Consequently the ground becomes exhausted after 
three or four years, and they are obliged to make use of other 
land. They sow their seed broadcast, not making any special 
seed bed. In the south, however, they sometimes specially 
prepare the soil. All the time not employed in agricultural 
work, they utilise in fishing and hunting, in which pursuits all, 
even those who are only twelve or thirteen years old, engage 
with great zesL Each family keeps dogs for hunting purposes. 



THE SAVAGES AND THEIR TERRITORY 221 

Sometimes a single family wilt have as many as ten of these 
quadrupeds. The people look upon them almost as forming 
part of their family, and make them the object of most caressing 
love and fond endearment; in extreme cases, indeed, going so 
far as to eat out of the same dish and even sleep in the same 
bed as their canine friends. The rifle is their principal weapon, 
and the non-possession of fire-arras is regarded as a great dis- 
grace. They also use long spears, made of bamboo, six or 
seven feet long, with heads eight or nine inches long. They 
always carry a sword and never put it down for a single 
moment. In fishing, they use a kind of narcotic fluid made 
from the roots of a poisonous creeper called " Lo-tin ", The 
fluid is thrown into the stream and in a little while the fish 
rise to the surface, stupefied, and are then readily captured 
by the savages, either with their hands or with the spears above 
mentioned. China grass, dye yam, fish creeper, akebia, medi- 
cinal orchids, mushrooms and pachyma grow in the savage dis- 
tricts, the last four being useful as medicines. These articles 
constitute the main staples which the savages make use of for 
purposes of barter with the Chinese. Sometimes the savages 
use jewels and iron vessels as currency, but of late some of 
them have come to understand the use of silver coins. The 
Atayals are reputed to be quite clever at making China grass 
goods and joinery work. They are also skilfiil netters and 
weavers. The men wear a peculiar dress, very wide in the 
collar and without sleeves. They wear, as a loin-cloth, a piece 
of cloth six or seven inches long and about an inch and a half 
wide, which they suspend by means of a string attached to one 
end. The women's dresses have sleeves and open collars ; they 
also wear round their waists a piece of cloth three or four feet 
long fastened with a string. Abroad the men wear a square of 
cloth over their breasts while the women wear leggings. The 
men also have semicircular hats made of closely plaited China 
grass, the front part of which they sometimes adorn with a 
piece of bearskin. Both men and women alike are fond of 
necklaces, bracelets and other ornaments made of the teeth of 
animals, hard red berries obtained from a certain tree, and brass 
and other bright metals. The ears are adorned with a small 
piece of bamboo half an inch long which is thrust through 3 
hole pierced in the lobe. Both men and women remove from 



222 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

the upper jaw the two lateral incisors, as they consider that tbt 
removal of these teeth improves their personal appearance. 

Their chief articles of food are millet and rice, which are 
both boiled carefully. The wine they use is brewed from rice 
or millet by means of yeast obtained from the Chinese traders. 
The yeast is mixed with steamed rice or millet, and the mixture 
is covered over with leaves or rushes and left to ferment. The 
crude liquor thus brewed is drunk after having been filtered 
through a kind of wicker basket. 

In regard to marriage, the man or woman selects a partner 
as he or she chooses, the bride-elect going to the house of 
the man or he going to her house, no interference whatever 
being allowed by any third party. The east Atayals possess 
in their most populous districts a hut elevated on piles some 
twenty feel above the ground, where the newly married couples 
.spend their honeymoon. No one is allowed to have more 
than one partner or to marry into another tribe. When a 
baby is bom, the mother washes it with cold water. The 
naming takes place ten days after birth. During this time the 
father and other members of the family abstain entirely from 
their usual pursuits of hunting for heads and game. When an 
Atayal dies, all the members of the family mourn and lament. 
The dead body is dressed in new clothes, and after the knees 
have been bent and the body forced to assume a squatting 
position, it is clothed with deer skins or with ordinary clothes 
and then buried in the ground. The people never venture to 
approach the burial place, nor do they care to talk about the 
dead. 

II. The Vonum Group. 

The tribes which live in the southern portions of Mount 
Kantatsuman and Dakusuikei to the south of Horisha call 
themselves " Vonum ". Most of them resemble the Atayals 
in their fondness for living in the rugged recesses of the 
mountains. Only one tribe known as the " Suisharenhoa" 
has its habitation in the plains. According to their traditions, 
their ancestors migrated into Formosa from an unknown islet 
in the midst of the surging ocean long ago in days which are 
now lost in legendary mists. At 6rst they lived in the plains, 
but a terrible all-devouring deluge took place, and, to add to 



I 



THE SAVAGES AND THEIR TERRITORY 323 

their terrors, a hi^e serpent was seen swimming towards them 
through the stormy waters, evidently determined to devour 
them. At this critical moment, however, a monster crab ap- 
peared and fought against the horrible serpent, and after a 

terrific stri^gle at last succeeded in killing it. 

The manners and customs of these tribes bear a close 
resemblance to those of the Atayal group. They brew wine 
from millet and rice by chewing the grain and preserving the 
masticated substance in jars until it ferments. Thanksgiving 
ceremonies are observed at harvest time in honour of the 
spirits of their ancestors, and heartfelt gratitude is then ex- 
pressed for all past favours, and a continuance of the same 
is requested. At this time, too, it is the custom to extin- 
guish all fires and to kindle new ones by rubbing two pieces 
of wood together. This pristine way of obtaining fire reminds 
one of the description given in ancient Japanese history of the 
early life of some of our ancestors. The Suisharenhoa family 
tribe mentioned above is somewhat different in their way of 
life from the other tribes belonging to this group. This is due 
to the long intercourse and frequent contact which they have 
enjoyed with the Chinese. They have advanced so much 
indeed that they now use water buffaloes for farming purposes. 
They are on this account called semi-civilised savages. 

HI. The Tsou Group. 
The stretches of land lying round Mount Arizan to the 
south of Kagi as far as Sansanrin and Rokklri in the south, 
and bounded on the east by the Formosan central mountain 
ranges and on the west by other mountains, are occupied by 
a group of savages who call themselves " Tsou," but are often 
called by others "The Arizan Savages". This tribe is char- 
acterised by a unique organisation. The whole of the land 
occupied by the group is owned by one clan called Hyofupa. 
All the tribesmen consider that the land they cultivate is 
leased from this clan, and therefore give them a tithe out of 
their annual harvests. They also pay a tithe on whatever 
game they take in hunting. Some of this group wear Chinese 
dress, as the result of their long intercourse with the Chinese. 
They also have a sort of Public Council Hall which they call 
"The Kutsuba". This covers an area of over i,4C» square 



L 



234 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOS 

feet. The floor is raised four feet from the groui 
carpeted with matting woven out of China grass. This hall 
is used as a lodging place by all the unmarried young men 
above twelve or thirteen years of age. These youths are 
hardened by a severe training and discipline, and their course 
and virtue are fostered. No woman is allowed to enter their 
quarters, nor may any young man bring with him any article 
used by women. In times of emei^ncy, the hall is converted 
into the headquarters of the group where all matters of general 
interest are discussed, and it devolves upon the young men to 
give notice and warning to the whole of the members of the 
group. 

IV. The Tsalisen Group. 
This group is scattered over a mountainous territory lying 
to the north-east of Hozan in the neighbourhood of Sekizan, 
extending south as far as the northern extremity of Subonke, 
and on the east bounded by the centra! mountain range. We 
call them " Kari," but they call themselves " Tsalisen ". Thdr 
manners and customs are almost similar to those of the other 
savage tribes. Among them the newly married wife continues 
to remain at the home of her mother until her first child is 
bom, when she removes to the home of her husband. From 
the time the wife conceives, the man puts a special restraint 
upon himself, and for the month preceding the expected birth 
he confines himself entirely to the house, never once setting his 
foot outside the threshold of his abode. During this time, too, 
the position of the household furniture is never changed, and all 
repairs are postponed until after the child has been bom. The 
savages of this group have for more than a century ceased to be 
head-hunters, and now devote themselves to farming. From 
their frequent intercourse with the Chinese they have become 
skilful blacksmiths and carvers. Some of them have actually 
become such adepts in the latter craft that they do embossed 
carving. Their dress is quite civilised compared with any of 
the other groups, the women wearing dresses with long trailing 
skirts quite in the European style. 

V. The Paiwan Group. 
The savages who live in the Koshun district in the southern 
part of Formosa have been called from olden times " Liongkiao 



I 



SAVAGE TYPES. 




SAVAGE TYPES. 




THE SAVAGES AND THEIR TERRITORY 225 

Savages," but they call themselves " Paiwan ". The area oc- 
cupied by this group extends from Koshun to Taito. Their 
teeth are usually extremely black from the habit they have of 
chewing betel nut, and on this account black teeth are r^arded 
by thera as a sign of personal beauty, so much so indeed that 
they actually go so far as purposely to stain their teeth with 
juice which they obtain from a certain plant called Chltsuru. 
To this group belonged those savages whom the Japanese army 
was forced to chastise in 1872, on account of the merciless way 
in which they had treated our shipwrecked sailors who had 
been cast upon their shores. The Paiwans. who live near 
Koshun, make charcoal, and occasionally visit both Koshun and 
Shajo for the purpose of disposing of their stocks, 

VI. The Puyuma Group. 
The tribes belonging to this group occupy the plains in 
Hinan and that neighbourhood, and call themselves " Puyumas," 
but the Chinese call them the " Hinan Savages ". The Puyumas 
formed a very powerful State some 300 years ago, and united 
under one single rule as many as seventy isolated tribes 
scattered over the land, stretching from Hakusekikwaku and 
Seikoko to Harogwai in the southern part of the island, and 
were at one time so powerfLil that the chieftain was called by 
foreigners " The King of Hinan ". But the bonds of suzerainty 
became more loose and loose, so that at present ail the tribes 
are in a greatly enfeebled condition. 

VH. The Ami Group. 
The tribes belonging to this group are scattered over the 
district extending from the plains of Hinan to those of Kirai. 
They call themselves "Ami". Their customs and manners 
are nearly the same as those of the other savage tribes. One 
peculiarity, however, is that while the people wear loin-cloths 
indoors, the men at least are usually stark naked when they 
go out, hardly ever wearing anything at all beyond a very 
primitive makeshill: made by sewing together a few leaves, and 
even this they only wear very rarely. This habit appears to 
have its origin in the fact that, at the time of their ancestors, 
cloth was a great rarity not to be easily obtained. It is not 
to be understood from this, that the Ami group are less 
15 



226 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

enlightened than the other savages. The exact contrary is 
the case. They are considerably advanced in various arts, and 
already know the use of silver money. They are moreover 
reported to be clever saw-malcers, cutting the teeth with files. 
They also turn out a rude description of earthenware. All 
this comes from the frequent opportunities which they have 
had of coming into contact with the Chinese, owing to the 
fact that their settlements are mostly on the plains. The 
members of each tribe are divided into six classes according to 
their ages. The sixth or lowest includes all those between 
fifteen and twenty years old; and as each five years is com- 
pleted, the person is promoted into the next class. All labour 
is portioned out according to these classes. The patriarchs in 
the highest class are all held in great esteem and are highly 
respected. They only are eligible for chieftainship. 

vni. The Pepo Group. 
If the savages in Formosa be classified according to the 
geographical positions which they occupy, those living in the 
mountainous regions might be called " The Highland Sav^es," 
while those residing in the plains might be styled " The Lowland 
Savages" or Pepohoans. The former have very scant oppor- 
tunity of coming into contact with the currents of civilisab'on, 
and so are naturally very backward. But those who live on the 
plains are necessarily subject to many stimulating influences, 
and are thus pushed forward along the path of civilisaticMi. 
The tribes belonging to the Pepo group are scattered over the 
broad tracts of level land which lie in the western parts of the 
island. They have had long intercourse not only with the 
Dutch but also with the Chinese, with whom they were at 
times on friendly terms, even tolerating mixed residence, while 
at others war was waged between the two parties. These tribes 
have gradually been driven away and exterminated, and the 
poor remnants are so advanced in civilisation as to be hardly 
distinguishable from the Chinese. Indeed, throughout the keen 
racial struggle which lasted during the space of two centuries, 
the tribes belonging to this group played a most important 
rflle, taking the leading part and, therefore, bearing the 
of the strife. Their sphere of influence at one time comprised 



I 
I 

I 

ruries, ^m 

brunt ^H 
prised ^H 



THE SAVAGES AND THEIR TERRITORY 227 

almost the whole island, stietching, it is said, from Hozan and 
Tainan in the south through Rokko and Shoka to Taihoku, 
Kelung and Tamsui in the north. This shows how powerdil 
this group must have been, but now the fabric is shattered and 
they areisplit up into numerous small tribes who are quite in- 
dependent of one another. 

To sum up what has been thus far described, these eight 
leading savage groups number 104,334 souls, but there may also 
be other groups still undiscovered. Recent investigations show 
them to be divided as under, i<is. : — 



SiowotGnnp. 


Nunbatof 


Namlm o( 


P.,..,.., 


At4j™i .... 


tSa 


4.613 


».5a7 


Vonom .... 


144 


a.o7ii 


ts,6u 


Two .... 


39 


33' 


a.96» 


Tsaliwn 


lOS 


5.S7* 


J4.860 


Paiwan .... 




3.0JI 


14,982 


Puyuma 


'4 


..483 


5,738 


Ami ... . 


84 


3.183 


1B.775 


Pepo . . . . 


*4 


«50 


881 


Tottl . . . 


702 


"M'S 


•04.334 



Some scholars divide the savages into four classes according 
to the time of their .supposed arrival in Formosa. According 
to this classification, the Paiwan group stands first, as they are 
considered to have been the earliest to settle in the island. 
The Puyumas come next, then the Amis, and lastly the Pepo- 
hoans. The Puyumas are sometimes regarded as being de- 
scended from Japanese immigrants, while the Pepohoans are 
thought to be descended in the same way from the Loochoo- 
ans. As to whether they still preserve the original state of 
life which they brought with them into the island, or whether 
they have progressed in culture owing to the operation of the 
principle of the survival of the fittest, or whether on the 
contrary they have retrograded since they sought refuge in 
the mountain recesses, I am not in a position to express any 
definite opinion. But this much at least can safely be stated, 
that since their contact with the Formosan Chinese they 
have undergone a lamentable mental and moral deteriora- 
tion. The treatment meted out to them by the Formosan 
Chinese has been one continual course of perfidy and slaughter. 

■ s* 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 




}3« 



When thcM mcnipatow and atterfjrhartlewc 
to olNsio pa f io n of die bad b elw u pn g to the sxnges, they 
ironU give then s preKut, proaiumg to repeat the suoe eadi 
)W. Bvt once tbe M taga had listened to their request and 
•Kowedthem Iook the land, the wily Celestials collected other 
equaDy wily and omcn^iuloui men around them, and, as soon 
m thtf Mt theiDfldvei itrong enot^ repudiated all their 
Mgaffemeati; and, fiUHi^ upon the too trustful savages, drove 
them off by force. Again, when these Chinese wished to fell 
Mmphor treo, they invited the lavages who resided in tbe 
district to a banquet and feasted them sumptuously with roast 
pork and Chitteae wine, both of which the savages look upon 
M great delicadei. As tbe wine began to work, the cruel 
Chinese seized the unsuspecting savages and, after tying them 
up, sent for their wives and children. As soon as these latter 
arrived the men were set free, but the wives and children were 
retained as hostages until the Chinese had felled all the camphor 
trees they required. These arc only a few examples of the 
fiendish way In which these poor savages have been treated by 
the Formosan Chinese. No doubt there are some who dealt 
more honestly, but even then the interpreters whom they were 
foreod to uk almost always took advantage of the savages' 
Ignorance to gull them sadly. 

Not content with this, some of thc<ic Chinese actually roast 
the flesh of their victims, make it into soup, or salt it down for 
future use ; the liver, heart, kidney:^ and soles of the feet being 
regarded as specially dainty morsels and eagerly bought up by 
the rich Chinese mandarins and gentry, who esteem them 
precioUN medicines. Sometimes the flesh is exported to Amoy. 
When asked how it tastes, these cannibal Chinese say it is in- 
effably delicious and beyond the power of human language to 
describe, and cannot even be imagined by those who have 
never hud the joy of eating it. When told that to eat human 
(Trnh is very cruel and barbarous, they smile and say the savages 
Mre not men but a species of large monkey. 

As the Chinese have always treated the savages so cruelly. 
If U but natural that the nature of those savages who have 
come Into contact with them should have changed decidedly 
for the worse, so that now they regard everybody who sets 
foot on their territory as a deadly foe. Their feelings towards 



THE SAVAGES AND THEIR TERRITORY aag 

Japanese are, however, somewhat different As an illustniHon 
of this, it may be stated that if, when they are out hcad-hunt- 
ii^, they happen to meet Japanese, they alwa>-s consult to- 
gether before attacking them, whereas when they meet Chinese 
no consultation whatever is held, but the unhappy Celestials 
are instantly attacked and speedily deprived of their heads. 
This is because the Japanese have hitherto invariably acted 
towards them in a merdful and friendly way. If, however, we 
decide to open up their lands and come streaming into their 
midst, it is more than probable that they will throw off their 
present attitude of moderation and goodwill and make no dis- 
tinction between us and the Chinese; 

Since the island came into our possession the loss of life 
inflicted upon us by these savages is as follows : — 



f the 



TtM. 


AttKki. 


li!S^ 


1900 
I90I 
1902 
1903 

Toul 


400 

34> 
1,13a 


611 
633 
434 

1,900 



L 



This seems to show that they are almost untameable. On 
the other hand, some people say that they are quite capable of 
being trained and civilised. In 1903, the employees of Mr, 
Dogura took several savage girls to the Domestic Exhibition 
which was held in Osaka. Their few months' stay in Japan 
thoroughly Japanised them, so much so, indeed, that by the 
end of the time they looked at first glance almost like Osaka 
girls, especially as they all had their hair done up just like 
Japanese. When they got back, however, their mothers ob- 
jected to the change, and said it seemed to them most un- 
becoming. The girls laughed and said; "You only say so 
because you are savages". This instance was often referred to 
at that time as a convincing proofof the feasibility of civilising 
and training the savages. Mr. Lin Wei-yuen, who was Minister 
of Agriculture for a long time during the Chinese administra- 
tion, is considered to have wide experience in governing the 
savages. One day he said to me : " The policy pursued towards 



230 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



tbe savages is either that of trying to subji^te them by force 
of arms, or assimilating them by kindness and goodwill Tbe 
first method seems to nie to have no effect except to make 
them more and more like wolves, while the latter is calculated 
to appease and pacify them and to make them gradually 
become good citizens. I think very highly of Liu Ming-chuan, 
but I consider it a great pity that he preferred to subdue the 
savages by force rather than by kindness." Almost everybody 
who has come in contact with the savages declares that they 
arc all quite capable of being raised from their present state of 
barbarism, and I am very strongly of the same opinion. But 
it is a question how much longer the Japanese authorities will 
be wilting to pursue their present policy of moderation and 
goodwill, and leave nearly half the island in their hands. If 
there were a prospect of their becoming more manageable in 
ten or even in twenty years, the present policy might possibly 
be continued for that length of time, but if the process should 
require a century or so, it is quite out of the question, as we 
have not that length of time to spare. This docs not mean 
that we have no sympathy at all for the savages. It simply 
means that we have to think more about our 45,000,000 
sons and daughters than about the 104,000 savages. We 
cannot afford to wait patiently until they throw off barbarism, 
and spontaneously and truly entertain towards us feelings of 
friendship and goodwill. It is far better and very necessary 
for us to force our way into the midst of their territories and 
bring all the waste land under cultivation. But how can this 
be best accomplished? It may be done either by pushing 
forward the present guards step by step, or by the method now 
adopted by Great Britain in British North Borneo and also in 
Rhodesia, of granting certain privileges to some private com- 
pany and giving them for a certain fixed time the right both of 
administration and legislation. By doing this the territory in 
question is both governed and cultivated at the same time. 

As has been already stated in Chapter II., the British 
colonies may be divided into five classes, each of which has 
a different form of government. In those colonies which are 
specially backward in civilisation, the authority and powers 
of government are granted to a chartered company, whose 
managing director acts as Governor-General, the Hi 



I 

I 
I 
I 

!ome ^H 



THE SAVAGES AND THEIR TERRITORY 231 

Government simply exercising supervisory control. The writer 
is acquainted with a gentleman who belonged to the Cabinet of 
Mr. Barsh, the Governor of Borneo. Speaking about the organi- 
sation of that company, he said to me once : " British North 
Borneo under our Government is a good example of the simplest 
and most convenient form of British colonial rule If you wish 
to know the secret of British colonial success, you would do well 
to come and visit Borneo, Most of our shareholders live in 
London, and our board meetings are all held at the company's 
office in Leadenhall Street. But the gentleman who is chosen 
by the shareholders to act as President of the company is the 
Viceroy and Governor of an island colony having an area of 
31,000 square miles, and is invested with full power to administer 
it and issue all necessary orders the very moment he is informed 
by the Foreign Office in Downing Street that his appointment 
is approved. Then again the treasurer who serves under the 
President is really the Minister of Finance, and the person cm- 
ployed as controller and general inspector may be called the 
Chief of Police. The company has full liberty at any place in 
the colony it desires to cany on commercial enterprises, to fell 
timber, to construct harbours, to build roads and provide other 
means of communication. It has also full authority to issue 
laws and orders and to levy taxes, not only upon natives, but 
also on Europeans. If you are inclined to think that the com- 
pany will be disposed to oppress the people and tax them too 
heavily, it cannot do so because the people will not submit to 
being treated by the company as they would submit to being 
treated by their lawful native rulers. The salient feature of this 
method consists in the fact, that under it the colony is both 
governed and cultivated by the same organisation, and so no 
clashing of aims can arise. Moreover, the cost of administration 
is considerably less, and the business is pushed far more ener- 
getically than when the Government is in direct charge. These 
two facts constitute indeed the chief features of this colonial 
system." 

Indeed, this British colonial policy has been so successful, 
because it has been so skilfully and quickly adapted to the 
requirements of every change of circumstances. This may be 
ascribed to the influence of those great principles of liberalism 
in which Great Britain is such an ardent believer. In fact, it 



232 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

is by means of this policy that she has been able to transform 
the Indian peninsula into such a powerful empire. It is to this 
policy also that the British possessions in South Africa owe 
their prospcritj' and rapid development. The Dutch territories 
in the East have all likewise been secured by the same policy. 
This wonderful policy consists merely in granting to a corpora- 
tion organised bj' privnte citizens the power of governing the 
colony for a period of twenty or thirty >'ears. The Government 
need not subsidise this corporation in any way. When the 
charter expires the company is dissolved and the authority 
returns to the Government. In this way, the company derives 
profit from the enterprise and ts also able to (Mxivide occupation 
for large numbers of the unemployed, while the Government 
is enabled to accomplish its purpose of opening up the colony 
nnthout expending a single farthing, and on the day when the 
company's charter expires, lo! the Go\-emment recei\'es a 
flourishing and well-equipped colony. Indeed this plan presents 
no diflkulty or undesirable consequences ; but on the contiaiy, 
it would bring untold benefit not only to the Government but 
also to the pri^-ate individuals who form the company. I most 
eanicstly wish, therefore, that a chartered company be organ- 
bed after the British model to take up the cuhivstiao of tfae 
sav^c districts in Formosa under the auspices of the Govcnnr- 
General, and that for a certain fixed period, sty for twenty or 
thirty years, this company be granted full powers to govem, 
to work the mines, to fell timber, to et^age in agncnltnnl 
indostnes, and also to construct harbours and bcikl roads for 
fci nil I til Ml interaa] communication. To tt*T^ company ■!*»* 
sIkmU be a ssi gned the duty of educating and in str uct i ng tlie 
svrage tribes, and it sboukl iavc full liberty to take w ha te ^ 
actioB nagfat be n e ces sary in case any of tbc nvages ofimd 
icastaixe. If itbcdeemed wrroe toeatrastthe wlkole oftbe 
sa^ingt dtttficts to a sngle coopany, the tuuliMy n^^hc be 
sfSH np iDto two or 0^aiinlo tlHee sections and be gii^B to wx 
If tUs nethod be 1 
llbe«s«kr.«K.— 

u The whole J «p — eae ■atiQa wffl Seti m | '*""""^ ialBai 
n ow fomosMM cotooy. 

X. The fiiiiiiiiiil wffl he oBBfakd to hriic t^ vaMe 
{RMiqe aayth^ at al. 




THE SAVAGES AND THEIR TERRITORY 233 

3. The Government will secure a fresh source of revenue by 
inserting a clause in the proposed charter to the effect that 
the company shall pay a certain percentage of their profits to 
the Government. 

4. The law of natural selection will have full sway. Those 
savages who can be trained will be taught, and those who are 
not capable of being trained and instructed will pass away. 
In this way various evils will be eradicated, and many of the 
savages be brought into the light of civilisation. 

5. The prospects of Formosa will be greatly improved ; 
for, by the time the company's charter expires, all the waste 
lands will have been made into fertile lands fit for any purpose ; 
and, under the influence of such cultivation, mines and agri- 
cultural enterprises of every kind will be planned and pushed 
forward briskly. 

The formation of such a company would not be so difficult 
as might at first sight appear. When Cecil Rhodes, that 
great empire-builder, floated the South African Chartered 
Company, the whole issue of 500,000 shares was applied for 
even before they had been put on the public market. But 
perhaps some may contend that this plan could not succeed 
without a Cecil Rhodes to put it through. This, however, is 
quite a mistake. Cecil Rhodes was, indeed, a man whose 
abilities were badly needed at that time for the huge task 
which lay before him; for it was necessary for him, not only 
to gain the hearts of the various native tribes in the colony, 
but also to direct the energies of the British nation to his new 
enterprise. In the case of Formosa, however, the position is 
quite diflferent. The nation's attention is already sufficiently 
alive to the ui^ncy of the Formosan problem, and as for the 
savages, they are not likely to prove such a very hard nut to 
crack. In fact, nothing more is now needed than a man, not 
with genius, but simply a good bu.siness organiser, with sufficient 
intrepidity and determination to undertake the task. I hope 
that this suggestion may be of service to the authorities, and 
assist them to arrive at a conclusion how best to pacify the 
savages. 



CHAPTER XV. 

PRODUCTS— TEA. SUGAR, RICE. 

Benjamin Kidd on the colonies — Formosa's luficrior climatic conditions — Het 
ferlilily— Her naiuril products. 

Tea. — The Eupposed origin of Oolong tea — Its inirodaction into foreign 
markets — Table of exports — Prosperity of Tamsui due to the tea trade — 
Poieigners' exorbitant profits — Japanese tea gradually ousted by Oolong — 
Government efFoits to improve the lea — Tea bctory hands — Rough estimate 
of profits. 

SUOAR. — The nations as sugar consumers — Japan's sugar bill — Former attempt* 
to exploit augar in Formosa— Various methods of production- The Govern- 
ment encourage (he industry — Institution of an important sugar company — 
Its methods— The suecesaof the Government regulations— Table of exports 
to Japan and China — Bright prospects— Cane and beet sugar compared. 

RtCB. — Chinese policy, Formosa to be an agricultural colony — Rice, the staple 
product— Table of harvests and average crops pet acre— Formosa' i 
vegetable crops and cereals — Table of rice exports — Formosa, Japan's 
granary — Variations in the price of rice fields. 

Though Benjamin Kidd entertained somewhat extravagant 
views with regard to the multiplication of the Chinese race, 
and also allowed himself to be unduly affected by racial pre- 
judice, yet his article, which appeared in the American In- 
dependent for 8th September, 1904, on "The Elevation of the 
Tropical Races," is quite interesting, especially where he touches 
on the subject of the rise of Japan. According to his view, 
history and nature alike agree in declaring that it is impossible 
for the white races to colonize the tropics, and he adds that 
this is confirmed by experience extending over centuries. He 
says: — 

" It is becoming increasingly evident that there are certain 
conclu^ons respecting the tropics that are likely to become 
accepted without serious challenge in the future. They are 
conclusions of great significance as aflfecting the future of what 
have hitherto been the less developed races. In the first place, 



I 



w 



PRODUCTS— TEA, SUGAR. RICE 335 

it is now evident that there will be no true colonization of the 
tropical regions on any lai^e scale by the white races. By 
this is meant that the peoples of European descent are not des- 
tined to displace the existing inhabitants of the warmer regions 
of the earth, as they have already displaced the original inhabi- 
tants of wide tracts in the temperate regions, , . . This leads 
direct to a second important consideration. It is becoming 
more evident every year, that one of the most significant phases 
of the future economic rivalry of the peoples of the world will 
have its base in the tropics. So steadily has the tide of empire 
taken its course northward in the past, that we are apt to for- 
get a strong tendency now operating in the opposite direction 
— namely, the gradual shifting of the economic base of history 
southward. . . . 

" We are probably destined to hear much in the future of 
the remarkable advantages in war of the simple commissariat 
of the Japanese armies. But that results of such magnitude as 
the campaign against Russia revealed could be accomplished by 
a peopie whose staple food was rice; that this tropical or 
sub-tropical product was already the principal food of nearly 
one-third of the human race ; that the cost of labour, which 
the fact indicated, could remain so small, while the results 
obtained couid be so striking and effective, tended to bring 
vividly home to the mind the possible efficiency and intensity 
of an industrial competition that would develop itself in the 
future on a wide and oi^anised base in the tropics. 

" A suggestive example of another kind is the case of 
cotton production. For the past three-quarters of a century 
the Southern United States, under the favourable labour and 
physical conditions there prevailing, has grown the greater part 
of the world's cotton supply. . . . While, however, the cotton 
belt in the United States is a strictly limited area, the cotton- 
consuming population of the world has been increasing by 
leaps and bounds. The European peoples of the world have 
doubled within fifty years and have nearly quadrupled within 
a century. The growth of civilisation is at the same time 
rapidly extending the demand for cotton products among 
other races, , , , As the economic pressure of civilisation to 
develop the tropics continues, the cry is everywhere going up 
for races able to sustain the burden of the development which 



236 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



the tropics are destined to undet^o. In response to this 
pressure it is possible that we shall witness in the future almost 
as lai^e movements of population in the tropics as history has 
already witnessed in the temperate regions. But it will be the 
races who are best able and who are best prepared to take 
their share in the strenuous development to come, to whom 
the future of the warmer regions of the world will belong. It 
is the gospel of work which will be the gospel of the future in 
the tropics." 

I am struck with the keenness and farsightedness of this view, 
and find his theory of special interest as applied to Formosa. 

Formosa lies between 120° and 123° east and between 21° 
and 26° north, in almost exactly the same latitude as Canton, 
Calcutta, Muscat and Cuba; but the climate of Formosa is 
superior in many respects to that of any of these places. 
Unlike India, which has very little rain, the island has an 
abundant rainfall, which is limited to a certain season, and 
docs not last too long. The hot rays of the sun are tempered 
by fogs, which help forward the growth of vegetation, and 
make the island so fertile that almost every plant will flourish. 
In Japan bamboo cuttings hardly ever live if simply thrust 
into the ground, but not so in Formosa. One has only to 
stick a piece of bamboo in the ground, and it is almost certain 
to grow without requiring any more attention. Indeed the 
same may be said of almost any plant. 

Tea plants will hardly ever bear transplanting in Japan, 
but in Formosa slips and branches easily take root They will 
grow to a height of three feet in three years, and the leaves 
can be picked six times a year — in April, June, July, August, 
September and November. This shows the rich fertility of 
the island. Both in the north and the south most of the fields 
produce two crops a year, and the Government agricultural 
specialists say it is quite possible by wisely utilising all the 
natural resources to obtain three crops annually. The Central 
Districts, which now ^ve only one crop, will, it is believed, 
yield twice as much as soon as they are properly irrigated. 

The Screw Pine, from which Panama hats worth 7 or 
yen each can be made by the prisoners at about a quarter 
price, grows in profusion on almost every hillside. The pine- 
apple, that delicious tropical fruit, is to be found in abundance 



I 
I 



or 8 ^ 

the ■ 

Hne- ^H 

ance ^| 



^M PRODUCTS— TEA. SUGAR, RICE 237 

in every village throughout the island. The fruit is canned, 
and the leaves when crushed are used with cotton yam for 
weaving a fine cloth, which is sold under the name of pine- 
apple cloth. Rushes, which in Japan are used only for covering 
the walls and roofs of the very poorest houses, are in Formosa 
made into paper, which is able to hold its own against the 
Chinese article. An experimental station for the manufacture 
of this kind of paper has been set up by the Government some 
two miles from Kagi. Petroleum was found by an American 
gentleman at Bioritsu during the Chinese occupation, and ex- 
perimental borings were later made by a Japanese at Shoba- 
bokonaisho, but these were afterwards abandoned. Recent 
scientific research has, however, led people to believe in the 
existence of a petroleum vein over 200 miles long extending 
all the way from Banshorio to Taihoku. One well at Bioritsu 
produces 140 gallons of good oil every day. It will be seen 
from the above that the island is rich in natural resources, but 
the covetousness of the Chinese officials, and the economic 
pressure of the Amoy and Foochow merchants, reduced it to a 
purely agricultural colony. Nearly all the daily necessaries of 
life, even such articles as common paper and cheap earthenware, 
were imported from the Chinese mainland, the island industries 
being left absolutely undeveloped. Here in the island we, 
Japanese, have ample scope for exploiting every kind of in- 
dustrial enterprise. There is a common Chinese saying that 
honest men become thieves when they handle precious stones. 
Surely Formosa is a precious stone which the Chinese could 
not handle without injury ; but now this gem has passed into 
our hands, and it is our duty to polish it, giving it such a lustre 
that it will be dazzling in its brightness. 

I Tea. 

U In the list of Formosan industries Oolong tea comes first. 

W The name Oolong, by which Formosan tea is generally known, 

I is derived from a Fokien tradition. One morning early a 

I farmer in the province of Fokien went out to a tea plantation 

I on Mount Bui. He found a black serpent twined round one 

I of the tea plants, and thinking there must be some mystery 

I about it, he plucked off a few leaves and took them home. 

I He brewed some tea from the leaves and found the taste ex- 



238 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



treraely pleasing. After that similar tea bushes were planted 
everywhere, and the tea was called Oolong, Oolong means 
the dragon or snake as black as a crow. 

Besides this, there is what is called Wrapper tea, in which 
certain flowers arc mixed with ordinary tea leaves in order to 
assist in bringing out a flavour, which seems to be specially 
pleasing to Chinese residents in Australia. It is now unknown 
just when this tea plant was introduced into the island. 
Oolong tea from Formosa was first brought to the notice of 
European merchants and consumers in 1861 by Mr. Robert 
Swinhoe, the British Consul at Tamsui, and Mr. John Dodd 
was the first exporter. It was first tasted by Americans in 
1867, and the amount shipped in that year was registered as 
2,030 piculs, worth S'S per picul. A complete history of 
Oolong tea would fill quite a big volume; but it will be 
sufficient to say here that together with Ceylon tea it now 
commands the American market, and will probably one day 
altogether oust the Green tea of Japan. 

Formosa produces at present about 13,000,000 lb. of tea 
each year, of which about 6,500,000 yen worth is exported. 
The following table shows the annual exports for the past 
eight years: — 









OolODC Tea. 


Wnpper T«. 1 




Welghl id lb. 


Vdnc la Vcd. 


Wdclll io Lb. 


V.l« In Veo. 


IH97 . 

Z : 

i9(» . 
igoi 

190J . 






13.393.079 
I3.9M,973 
11,652.050 

10,936,9** 
10,314,546 

13,119,640 


6,445.Tio 
5.696,841 
4.7^3.4S' 
4,186.703 
3,996,002 
6.033,824 
5.3»3.938 
5,054.450 


i,«3S,S6+ 
2.028.139 
2,188,708 
2,505,680 
2.I9S.660 
3,000,669 
3,455.892 
2.427.579 


460.910 
5*6.733 
57^.345 
630.949 
505.062 
480,683 
63*535 
716,199 



This does not include the quantity sent to Japan, which in 
iQor amounted to 684,749 yen 1 '" '902 to 228,289 J*'*! 
and in 1903 to 299,134 yen. The greater part of this is 
believed to have been reshipped to the United States vt'd Kobe 
or Yokohama, and the rest to Europe. The total value of 
Formosa's exports for the year 1902 was 21,224,366 yen, so 
that Oolong tea constitutes almost one-third of the whole. 



PRODUCTS— TEA, SUGAR, RICE 



239 



L 



The port of Tamsui indeed owes its existence solely to the 
tea trade, which forms one-half the commerce between that 
port and Amoy. 

Japanese have no share in this large export business ; it 
is entirely in the hands of Englishmen, Americans, Chinese 
and Formosans, who secure almost all the profits, while the 
Formosan farmers who produce these enormous crops remain 
just as poor, their mode of living just as low, their houses just 
as dirty, and their methods of preparing and cultivating the 
tea just as crude as ever. The price of this tea was 810 per 
bale in 1866, 834 for the best quality in 1868, 839 in 1880, and 
about $35 in 1900. The owners of the tea plantations and 
those who were engaged in preparing the tea for the market 
ought therefore to have reaped large profits, but they have 
received nothing at all worth mentioning. In short, during 
the thirty-eight years that have elapsed since Oolong tea was 
first exported, a sum of no less than 1 50,000,000 yen must 
have been brought into Formosa, yet nothing beyond mere 
wages has been received by these workers. This is enough to 
show what an enormous proportion the merchants must have 
retained for themselves. After it is picked the tea passes 
through many hands before it reaches the European and 
American markets. The tea brokers squeeze as much profit 
as possible out of it, the Chinese merchants who buy it from 
these brokers must make a living, the packers require their 
share, the shipping agents their commission, the commission 
merchants do ail they can to increase their remuneration ; and, 
to crown all, the tea is not sent direct to its destination, but to 
Amoy, where it has to be transhipped into other vessels, adding 
to the expense for loading and unloading, storage and interest, 
to say nothing of the loss in weight The foreign consumer 
is therefore compelled to pay a high price, while the poor 
Formosan farmer sees but a small fraction of the value, all the 
intermediate profits going into the pockets or cash-boxes of 
the Chinese and foreign middlemen. 

It is a wonderful stroke of good fortune that Japanese Green 
tea should have the extensive sale it has. The taste for it is 
such a peculiar one that the sale is confined almost entirely to 
the United States ; even we, Japanese, who have been brought 
up to drink it from our childhood, are beginning to give it up 



240 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

and take co(Tee and cocoa instead. Wide-awake merchants 
realize that the demand is falling off and that It Is never likely 
to increase. On the other hand, Oolong tea exactly suits the 
American palate, and the sales are already targe though the 
business has not been pushed as it might have been. 

At the expres.sed request of the foreign tea merchants, the 
Formosan authorities have devoted special attention to the 
selection of tea plants of good quality. They issued an order 
in August, 1898, that a Tea Merchants' Guild should be formed. 
Every one who was engaged in preparing or selling tea was 
required to Join this guild, and those who adulterated the tea 
or who mixed it with inferior Chinese tea were liable to be 
expelled. This put an end almost entirely to the bad custom 
of preparing tea of inferior qualities, or mixing it with foreign 
ingredients. But it is by no means an easy matter to improve 
Oolong tea so that it can compete against Ceylon tea. In 
spite of the Government's efforts towards its improvement, such 
as establishing an experimental tea plantation at Toshien, and 
a model tea factory at Anpingchin, complaints as to the quality 
are frequent. The causes of the complaints are to be found 
in the present system of sales, by which the Formosan farmer 
and tea firer never come into direct communication with the 
foreign consumer, and by which the middlemen have ample 
opportunity of adding adulterants in order to secure larger 
profits for themselves. Such a condition of things must be 
done away with before the market can show much real im- 
provement. 

To a stranger living in Taihoku during the summer months 
nothing is more striking than the crowds of girls who may be 
seen early in the morning stepping out towards Twatutia, All 
these Chinese damsels are dressed in their best, their faces 
painted, their hair nicely combed, and coquettishly adorned 
with a cream-white flower whose fragrance at once delights the 
pas.ser5-by. Where are all these maidens going, who, according 
to all one has heard, should be strictly confined in the inner- 
most chambers of their parents' houses? They are off to 
work in the tea factories, delighted at the opportunity of see- 
ing something of the world. Most of them are from fifteen 
to nineteen years of age. some are older, and their daily 
wage ranges from 10 to 15 sen. Besides these factory girls, 



1 

I 
I 

I 

I 





Lic;ht Hand Kai 



J ki\E«. i-ag. . 



7 



I 

L 



PRODUCTS— TEA, SUGAR. RICE 241 

(bar or fire thousand Chinamen are brought over each season 
from Amoy and other places on the mainland to assist in pre- 
paring the tea for shipment. 

If the tea prepared in these factories were sold direct to 
the foreign merchants abroad without passing through the 
hands of the brokers and other middlemen, great profits would 
be realized, which according to Government statistics have been 
estimated as follows : — 
For a pUataiion of 100.000 bushes — 

Cultivation 600 

Picking and manuiiclucing 1.750 

Chaicoal and fuel 3SS 

Wear and tcai of implements (cultivation and manofaciure) ■ too 

Total 1,83s 
To which should be added— 

Tmnapoitaiion lao 

Taxei 1S8 

Interest on iavcited apltal 316 

Grand total j.sQa 

Receipts will vary considerably, but assuming that the 
highest grade of tea is produced, about 40 yen a picul should 
be realized. 

Vto. 

lao pioili at 40 yen 4.800 

Deduct working expenies BiSBa 

Net profit 1,138 

Can similar laige profits be obtained in any other business ? 
It is surprising then how few Japanese engage in such a 
lucrative enterprise. As I said before, the days of Green tea 
are numbered in spite of all the merchants may do; Oolong 
tea is fast driving it out of the market. With sales increasing 
by leaps and bounds the prospects of this industry are parti- 
cularly bright. 

Sugar. 

A traveller through Japan may judge of the state of refine- 
ment reached in the various parts of the country by observing 
the quality of the confectionery on sale. Well-made cakes 
with a pleasant taste reveal a high standard of living, but if 
the cakes are tasteless, it is pretty safe to conclude that the 
district is poor. This simple test may be applied to any 
16 



242 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

country in the world, and it will be found to be the rule that 
the more sugar a nation consumes, the more advanced that 
nation is. The English nation, the heaviest sugar consumer 
in the world, uses each year69 lb. per head, the United States 
comes next with about 51 lb, Switzerland third with 45 lb., and 
Denmark fourth with 41 lb. Then conae France, Germany 
and Holland, each with something between 22 and 27 ib. 
Japan averages about 14 lb., Russia and Portugal between 
II and 12 lb., while Bulgaria, Roumania and Turkey consume 
only 7 or 8 lb. per head.' 

Let us now consider the increase of the sugar consump- 
tion in Japan during the last few years. In 1888 we used 
200,002,176 lb., that is about 5 lb. per head, in 1897 400,003,738 
lb., about 10 Ib. per head, while in 1903 our consumption rose 
to 500,005,541 lb., about 12 lb. per head. We used to pay 
out each year for foreign sugar between twenty and thirty 
million yen, a proof by the way that our standard of living 
is rapidly rising. With the increase in consumption likely 
to continue, the possession of such a good sugar-producing 
country as Formosa will be of inestimable benefit to us. 

When sugar was first produced in Formosa is not exactly 
known, but it is believed to have been one of the principal 
products at the time of the Dutch occupation, the sugar planta- 
tions at that time being one-third as extensive as the rice 
fields. The frequent conflicts, which took place between the 
Dutch on the one side and the Japanese and Chinese on the 
other, are said to have been chiefly connected with sugar export 
Under Koxinga's rule sugar production was warmly encouraged, 
and the industry became extremely flourishing ; but during the 
Chinese regime not only was all Government protection with- 
drawn, but the industry was burdened with oppressive taxes. 
The Chinese capitalists adopted the plan of advancing money 
to both the farmers and the manufacturers in order to gain 
double interest in addition to their ordinary profit on the sales. 
It is therefore no exaggeration to say that hardly any of the 
profit was devoted to improving either the soil, the seed, or the 
methods of manufacture. The processes adopted both in culti- 
vation and refining were crude and primitive in the extreme, 



1 



I 

I 
I 



PRODUCTS— TEA, SUGAR, RICE 



243 



and continued unchanged for centuries. Had the island not 
been favoured with a remarkably rich soil, and an exceptionally 
good climate, the sugar production could hardly have continued. 
Many of the Chinese capitalists fled to China during the dis- 
turbances which took place just before our troops occupied the 
island, and a lai^ number of the young and active sugar 
workers were kilted in connection with the brigand troubles. 
These two causes reduced the business of sugar manufacturing 
at that time to a pitiable condition. 

The sugar factories in Formosa used to be of three kinds. 
The first class were the head establishments which were set 
up by the large landowners and capitalists. Here sugar was 
manufactured from the cane grown upon the owners" planta- 
tions, or from that brought from elsewhere. The cane was 
grown by the tenants, or by those who through being heavily 
indebted to the landowner stood in the same relation as re- 
tainers. This is the system still prevailing in the south; under 
it the master of the sugar factory secures a threefold profit, 

1. As landlord, he claims from his tenants from 15 per cent, 
to 20 per cent, of the cane as rent. 

2. As capitalist, he secures 14 per cent, to 24 per cent 
interest on all the money he may have loaned to his tenant. 

3. In order to cover the running expenses of the sugar 
factory he, as master, appropriates half the cane brought in 
by his tenants. 

These vast profits leave very little for the poor tenants, 
who have therefore no means of improving the soil, but fall 
deeper and deeper into debt, until at length they become mere 
slaves of the sugar factor. This system has proved the greatest 
hindrance to the growth of the business. 

The second class were the factories formed by the farmers 
themselves. The capital was so divided that one share was 
of the value of not more than two or three cows, and even 
so might be jointly held by two or three persons. 

The third class were joint stock company factories, each 
company having not less than eight or nine shareholders. 

The lai^est factory in any of the above throe classes did 

not produce more than 220,000 lb. of sugar in a season, while 

the output of the smallest did not exceed 3,000 lb. There 

were a few other factories producing white sugar and molasses. 

16' 



244 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



The Tact that several million pounds of sugar were annually 
exported even under such an arbitrary and oppressive system 
proves how inexhaustible the sugar-producing resources of the 
island must be. 

The authorities took various measures to encourage and 
stimulate the industry. They urged the formation of lai^er 
manufacturing companies, and at the same time instructed the 
banks to lower their rates on loans advanced for sugar cultiva- 
tion. A glance at the Regulations for the Encouragement of the 
Sugar Business, which were issued in June, 1902, and the various 
minute rules attached thereto, is sufficient to impress any one 
with the earnest desire of the authorities to turn Formosa into 
another Java. The following are some of these regulations : — 

" Those who open up Crown lands for the purpose of culti- 
vating sugar can rent the ground, the ownership of which will 
be granted to them when they succeed in cultivating sugar," 

" No matter whether the land belongs to the Government 
or to some priv^ate individual, if over 12^ acres be opened up 
for sugar cultivation, expenses will be granted not exceeding 
2 yen per quarter acre." 

" Anybody who cultivates sugar cane on over 5 acres of 
land will receive grants at the rate of 360 yen for young 
shoots, and 5 yen for fertilisers per quarter acre." 

" When it is estimated that the irrigation and drainage of 
the land will cost over i,ooo yen, a grant up to half the cost 
may be made by the Government." 

" Land belonging to the Government will be rented to sugar 
cultivators free of chaise," 

" Sugar manufacturers who use machinery approved by the 
Government may receive over 20 per cent, of the cost of the 
same as a grant." 

" Subsidies will also be granted to those sugar manufacturers 
who use machinery capable of disposing of over /'S-Ooo I'*- 
of cane a day, and also to those refiners using machinery 
capable of refining over 1 5,000 lb. of crude sugar a day. The 
percentage of these subsidies will be duly notified every year," 

Lahaina cane cuttings have been imported and thrive welL 
A second variety, known as Rose Bamboo, which has also 
been obtained from Hawaii, has also given excellent results, 
[n I902, new kinds were introduced from Java and Australia. 



I 

I 

I 



ttralia. ^H 



F 



PRODUCTS— TEA, SUGAR, RICE 



245 



The authorities also imported seven modem American 
crushing mills, which were loaned to southern manufacturers. 
Thus every means of encouragement was tried, but for some 
time with no apparent result. Now, however, the farmers are 
everywhere eager to obtain the new seeds, and are vieing with 
each other in producing improved and superior canes. 

The results of the Government's positive measures are evi- 
dent in a harvest of more than 1,200,000,000 lb. from about 
63,000 acres of land. When the authorities first urged the 
Formosan capitalists to establish lai^er sugar companies, and 
conduct the manufacture on a larger scale, they were quite 
indifferent, and appeared to pay no more attention to the 
su^esb'ons than, according to the Chinese proverb, horses and 
oxen do to the wind. But the project was received with much 
favour in Japan, where such millionaires as Prince Mori, the 
Mitsui family, Messrs. Hara, Hosokawa and Fujita, as well 
as the Imperial household, took it up warmly, and formed the 
Formosan Sugar Company with a capital of 1,000,000 yen 
under a Government guarantee of at least 6 per cent, interest. 

The site selected for the factory was at Kyoshito, which 
stands on the railway between Tainan and Takow, and was at 
that time a poor village. The sugar company occupies about 
1 2j acres of ground, nearly 7^ acres of which are covered with 
the factory buildings. Trains bring cane and other goods 
direct to the factory on a special siding. The cane after 
being measured is at once put into the pressing machine, 
which squeezes out the juice. This falls into tanks, where it 
is boiled by steam heat, and then passes through a number of 
pipes, into a last reservoir, where it is crystallised. After the 
sugar has been extracted the stems are dried in the sun, and 
then utilised as fuel in place of coal. The factory can consume 
300 tons of cane in twenty-four hours, and the extensions 
contemplated in I903 would still further increase the output. 
All the machinery used is automatic, and in addition there is 
a 5 horse-power electric dynamo capable of supplying 180 arc 
lamps of 16 candle-power. At first those who were interested 
in the old native sugar factories, fearing that their own busi- 
ness would be ruined, did all they could to prevent the new 
factory obtaining any cane. This opposition rendered work 
difficult for a time, but as the plantations were gradually ex- 



r 



246 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



tended under the Encouragement Regulations issued by the * 
Government these early difficulties have been surmounted. 
The factory's net profit for 1904 was 20 per cent. 

There is also a sugar factory just opposite the Tainan 
railway station. This belongs to Mr. Nakagawa, and is 
chiefly engaged in the manufacture of Japanese white sugar. 

The success attending these ventures stimulated the For- 
mosan Chinese to set up new factories themselves. Five 
wealthy men have established the Shinko Sugar Manufactur- 
ing Company near Toko with a capital of 240,cxx) yen, while 
others have formed the Nankan Sugar Company at Ako with 
a capital of 60,000 yen. Other sugar factories are already 
open at Toroku, Ensuiko and Tainan, so that cane is now said 
to be becoming scarce. The far-sighted policy of the author- 
ities in seeking to make sugar the principal Formosan industry 
is already bearing fruit. In another ten years the last of the 
old native sugar factories will have passed away, and a great 
and notable reformation in the methods of manufacture will 
have been effected. Numerous experiments which have been 
carried out show that in the southern parts of the island the 
cultivation of cane yields a greater profit than rice, amounting 
to as much as 12 yen per acre. 

SUGAR MANUFACTURED AND IMPORTED BY JAPAN 



(We., 



B.). 







ln.p«rl<d. [ 


Ve«. 


i<ij.p«. 














From Foimou. 


^.^isr 


1888 


70,751,798 






.889 








1890 


145.oa4.667 




173,673.167 


1891 


83,497,441 




167.531,523 


.89a 








1893 








1894 


90.of6.174 




2^8,664,363 


.895 


73.889.417 


14-371.900 


=48,343.039 






37.5"i,49a 


233.352.995 




71.76a.660 


34,531.016 


331,451,182 


1898 








1S99 


155.936,9" 


35.501,210 


282,346.574 


1900 


i7S.5o».7i9 


37.156-300 


4n.S94.*74 




168.911,755 


43,212,145 




190a 


~ 


58,070,004 


448.481,930 



PRODUCTS— TEA, SUGAR, RICE 



v™. 


Wiigblintb. 


V*]u in V«. 


1896 






1897 






1898 


39.697.109 


1.984.376 


IB99 


30,064,233 


1,586,945 


jgoo 


12.088.352 


669.:,46 




17,839,109 




1902 


18,187,370 


1,059.165 



The amount of sugar consumed in Formosa in 1902 1 
15,210,000 lb. 

As about 90,000.000 lb. of sugar are now produced from 
about 62,000 acres of land, according to the law of propor- 
tion, about eight times as much land would produce sufficient 
sugar to supply all the requirements of Japan. The Formo- 
san authorities state, however, that by using improved cane, 
fertilisers, and methods oF cultivation, by better irrigation, and 
improvements in the manufacture, and by opening up new land, 
they hope within the next ten years to increase the present 
annual production fivefold. Even this lai^e increase, however, 
will by no means meet Japan's needs. With such an exten- 
sive market, the prospects of the Formosan sugar manufac- 
turers are very bright. 

Most people know that sugar is produced from canes, and 
those who are better educated know that it can be obtained 
from sugar beets. Many other things, however, also contain 
sugar, as, for instance, maple, palm and sweet soi^hum. Maple 
sugar is found only upon the tables of the rich. Nearly all the 
sugar on the market is either cane or beet. 

Cane sugar is said to have been first used in China or 
India, but all statements on this point are open to doubt. 
Beet sugar is, however, a modem discovery. It first came into 
prominence when Carl Franz Gerhard, a pupil of Andreas 
Sigismund Marggraf, the German chemist, opened a factory at 
his master's suggestion at Schlegen in 1797, and has, therefore, 
been in use a httle more than a century ; still in this compara- 
tively short space of time it has become universally known. 



248 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

According to the Formosan Government's Third Report of the 
Sugar Business, the total annual output of beetroot sugar all 
over the world was less than i.ooo.ooo tons until 1870, but 
in 19CX) it amounted to 5,500,000 tons, while during the 
same interval the quantity of cane sugar produced rose from 
1,599,000 to 2,904,000 tons only. The beetroots, which gave 
only 6 per cent, of sugar at first, now furnish 15 percent; at 
the beginning of the nineteenth century they took 200 days 
to reach perfection, whereas now they take only 180 days. 
These figures put cane sugar somewhat into the shade, but the 
Formosan Government's report referred to above shows that it 
is much easier to cultivate sugar cane in the tropics than to 
grow beetroot in European countries, and the report further 
declares that the prospects for cane sugar are much more hope- 
ful than for beet sugar. The present popularity of beet sugar 
is due to the efforts of the European nations to promote its 
production, and to the superiority of the methods adopted in 
its manufacture. Since the Brussels Conference has agreed 
that no more sugar bounties are to be given, the price of beet 
sugar has risen considerably. I^ therefore, the methods of 
producing cane sugar are improved according to the principles 
laid down by the Formosan authorities, there is no doubt that 
our Formosan sugar will find a ready and almost unlimited 
sale, not only in China and Japan, but in all the markets of 
the world. 

Rice. 
When Formosa became a Chinese colony the PekingGovem- 
ment had no definite plans with regard to its industrial develop- 
ment. The Chinese immigrants themselves clearly designed to 
make the island a purely agricultural colony, all manufactured 
articles, even the clothing and china cups which they used, 
being imported from Amoy. Any attempt on the part of the 
islanders to establish industrial enterprises was checked at once 
by the strong competition of the Chinese merchants. The 
Fokienese, with their bare mountains and dense population 
quite out of proportion to the extent of the arable land, looked 
to Formosa for fuel and rice, and tried by every means in their 
power to make the island an agricultural colony. An old 
Amoy historical record, referring to the fearful scarcity of food 



PRODUCTS— TEA, SUGAR. RICE 



249 



and fuel, says, " Even our straw and fuel come from abroad. 
Long-continued rain in the spring causes the people to feed on 
pearls and bum laurel boughs for fuel." 

So the Chinese Government, as well as the Formosan offi- 
cials, considered Formosa a great granary, and paid serious 
attention to the cultivation of the rice fields, while at the same 
time they were quite indifferent to all other industries. The 
fear of native competition must have had something to do 
with their aversion to embarking on any other industrial enter- 
prise. According to the Amoy records, Formosa has always 
been noted for its damp climate ; the soil was not cultivated at 
all, yet some districts yielded three crops and others four each 
year. At present scientific experts talk of the possibility of 
obtaining three crops each year by better methods of irriga- 
tion, and so it seems likely that the four crops spoken of In the 
above records are no exaggeration. Out of the island's present 
population of about three millions, 2,059,795 (1.118,316 men 
and 941^79 women) were, according to the statistics of 1904, 
engaged solely in farming. Thus two-thirds of the whole popu- 
lation are farmers, the majority of whom grow rice. The rice 
fields occupy the largest part of the cultivated soil. In 1904 
about 1,088,000 acres of land were devoted to rice, producing 
41,600,000 bushels in two crops. 

RICE HARVESTS IN PORHOSA, 1899-1904. 



V^. 


Crop. 


^ 


UD^DtloODI Bid. 


GlnUooniRia. 


Toul HuvHi la buibtli. 


WmtaRkc 


"&• 


Water 
Rice. 


"C 


EiLh Crop. 


Toul. 


iSgg 

1900 

igor 
1903 
1903 

1904 


|5 

\and 

III 

ind 
znd 


875.238 
814, aoi 

883.474 
86».S4I 

987,151 
1,087.918 


10.803.815 
7,120,135 

9.481,400 
9.879.g7f 
17.533.140 
10,158.005 
14. 175-4 'o 
■'.472197" 
16.964,540 
15.111,635 
18,747.39s 
"7.3*0.330 


542.070 
450,340 
456.750 
323.755 
733.3'0 
176,775 
458,660 
436,560 


7B9.730 
68>,675 
676.900 
613.725 
1,160,010 
680,440 
882,505 

1,076,900 
985.085 


75.375 
66,455 
30,795 
33,975 
77,930 
38.770 
39.140 
32,590 
80,115 

100.295 
77.35s 

i45,a6o 


i|,2.o,990| 

io!646i845\ 
10,853,425/ 
'Q.504,3901 
lt.153.990/ 
15.555,7151 
1*.658,5I5/ 
19,598,355 \ 
■7.173,715/ 
31.203.3901 
2o,395.!'3o/ 


"'.529.695 

31,500,270 
30.658,380 
28,214,230 
36,772,070 

♦',598.620 



250 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

The fertility of the soil varies in diflTerent localities, but Que 
following may be taken as the standards : — 













nmCnvpuKre. 


SamaCtotpatit. 




B.^ 


Buhel*. 




*7 


30 






























Shinto . 














T«.chu . 










63 




Taihoku 














Taunan . 










ag 


33 


Taito . 










»4 


30 


Totoku . 










a? 




Toshien 




26 


M 



It will be seen that the first crop varies from sixty-three bushels 
in Taichu to eighteen in Koshun, and the second from fifty- 
nine in Shinko to eighteen bushels in Koshun. The aver- 
age for the whole island is forty-three bushels for the first 
crop and thirty-four for the second. Two and a half acres is 
about the average amount of land which one man is able to 
manage, as the methods of cultivation are very rough and 
imperfect. The Formosan authorities are spending every effort 
to improve the conditions by establishing experimental farms 
and employing experts to deliver lectures up and down the 
island, and it is confidently expected that good results will be 
seen in the near future. Indeed, these results are already 
beginning to appear in the higher prices realized for the rice 
and the improvement in its quality. 

Besides rice, Formosa produces potatoes, peanuts and 
several cereals. Their production ts considerable, as may be 
seen from the following table : — 




PRODUCTS— TEA, SUGAR. RICE 



v„.. 




Pduuml 

Lb. 


sr.=: 


B«a.. 


Se«me- 


iA 


Wh«l. 


UilUl. 
BuDieli. 


IS98 

.899 

1900 

1901 
19IW 
1903 
1904 


a™ of fieldi 

HaivtM. 
Area of Gelds 

in acres. 
Harvest. 
Area of fleldi 

Id acres. 
Harveal. 
Area of fields 

Harvest. 
Area of fields 
in acre*. 
iHarvBL 
Area of fields 

f Area of fields 
lHar««. 


113.648 

3SO.894.680 

96.01S 

404,303,088 

99.646 
343.3a7.417 

>3«.74S 
39S.333.31S 

'53.13' 

501,160,391 

897.954! 805 

m6,33S 
1.13s. I IS. 773 


e4,.ss 
'.436.730 

3S.898 

604,190 

30.669 

S71.»90 

33.350 
544 .S3S 

37.9»9 
884,670 

47.68!. 
'.'94.485 


37.67" 
SSo-'SO 

6^;4^ 

37.560 

=5'.4«S 

38,103 
376.5SS 

33.795 
5'7.S'5 

37.3'6 
337.835 


'6,657 
'97.645 

14s!oio 

31,19a 
197.090 

M,'94 
135,440 


3.587 

57.3" 

93" 
14.105 

1.040 

'3,730 

s^lsss 

56^58^ 


51.17s 
1.164,01s 

"S.879 
384.47s 

ASi 

3.618 

43.905 

S.897 
174.370 

IS.370 
'85.790 


31.588 
533.335 

19,090 
304.5" 

18,699 
399.095 

3 '4.060 

■7.4SO 

sao.840 



I 



The above-mentioned products form the staple food of the 
inhabitants, most of the rice produced being given in payment 
of their rents and taxes. 



EXPORTS OF RICE. 



» 



Yaa. 


Eiporli Abroul. 


Eip«u«.J.p.n. 


Ammnt is Flcili. 


V.|g«iiiVe<i. 


V.I« hx Yen. 


I goo 
igot 

1903 


738. -46 

749,646 
401,239 
760.046 

"94.673 


1.799.763 
^,168,339 
1,165,737 
i.»76.36o 
1,131.410 


61,613 

93i"9 
i.o»4.33» 
1,608,186 
4,889,860 



Though the area of the rice fields fluctuates somewhat, the 
export appears to be increasing year by year. The picul here 
mentioned equals 215 bushels. The above table gives the 
value of the rice exported to Japan, not the amount ; this latter 
appears to have been about 1,000,000 bushels in I902 and 
about 2,500,000 in 1903. 

In proportion as Japan is becoming an industrial nation, 
it is impossible for her to satisfy all her own needs, and she 



252 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



has to look to foreign countries to supply the deficiency; 
already she pays out about sixty million yen every year for 
imported food-stuffs. With such a targe market near at hand, 
we cannot but hope that Formosa's agricultural industries may 
continue to flourish. The arable land in the island, according 
to the oflicial survey, covers 3,136,000 acres. Of this, nearly 
1,090,000 acres are devoted to rice, about 500,000 acres to 
sugar, potatoes, tea, etc., and the remainder, over 1,573,000 
acres, is still unused in any way. Even though the Govern- 
ment exert all its energies to making sugar the staple industry, 
so vast an area cannot possibly be turned all at once into 
sugar plantations. The best plan to adopt would be to alter- 
nate the cultivation of sugar and rice; that would leave land 
enough for the further production of rice and other cereals. 
If better methods of cultivation and irrigation are employed, 
the fields which now only give one crop a year will produce 
two, while those which now give two crops may many of them 
be made to yield three. In the writer's opinion, Formosan 
rice is superior to Indian and Rangoon, and is well suited for 
general use in Japan. 

Like everything else, the market price of rice fields in 
Formosa varies in different parts of the island. Generally 
speaking, they are worth 200 to 240 yen per acre in the 
Taichu district, 60 yen an acre round Toroku, and only about 
50 yen an acre in the vicinity of Kyoshito. This difference 
is due to the fact that two crops of rice, with a l^umin 
crop between, can be raised on the same land each year in the 
districts north of Taichu. To the south of that district, how- 
ever, on account of poor drainage and irrigation, only one crop 
can be looked for in the year ; from the most fertile land the 
farmers, after paying all expenses, such as taxes, wages, ferti- 
lisers, seeds, etc., realize a profit of only 8 to 12 yen per acre. 
In most parts of Japan irrigated rice fields are expected to 
yield S per cent, on the capital, and this general rule holds 
good abo in Formosa. 




CHAPTER XVI. 

COMMUNICATIONS— MAILS, HARBOURS, AND SHIPPING. 

.i condition of loaiis in former times — -Present remaikable change — Formosan 
rail way ^Un«uGccssfu] private and Eucceasful Government attempt to build 
the railway — Fares and rolling atock— Table of railway ceturns— Other lines 
bailt and planned— Communications between Formosa and J »pan— Failure 
of competing lines — Government subsidies and regulations — Tables of 
voyages, tonnage, etc.— Lack of good harbouiB — Plans and progress— Im- 
portance of Kelung — The claims of other ports — Government action for the 
protection of seamen— Table of lighthouses — Postal system, early difficulties 
— List of offices, etc. — Telegraphs and telegraphic arrangements — Tele- 
phones and wireless telegraphy — Government losses and reasons for the 



L 



Roads and Railways. 

After Formosa had passed into our possession the thing 
which most surprised Japanese visitors was the difficuity of 
travelling from one part to another, there being nothing in the 
whole island worth calling aroad. There were paths leading 
from village to village ; there were some country roads connect- 
ing the towns with the surrounding villages ; but it was impos- 
sible to find anything like a State or Government road from 
town to town. This absence of good roads was due to the 
imperfect political unity of different parts of the island. State 
as well as commercial relations were confined within very 
narrow limits, the villages depending on some small town 
which they had taken as their centre. Even the country roads 
above mentioned which ran from village to village were not 
like those in Japan, but were rather boundary lines round the 
farms, being in most cases litde more than a foot wide. 
Travellers were obliged, therefore, either to walk or go in 
chairs. In some of the sugar districts in the south there were 
roads which were used by buffalo carts transporting sugar- 
cane, but as they belonged to the sugar planters, they were 



2S4 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



private property, and closed to the public. Our army experi- 
enced so much inconvenience from this absence of roads that 
they were compelled to widen them wherever they passed; 
indeed, they may be said to have been the first road-makers 
in the island. After the military administration had come 
to an end, the civil administration devoted much enei^ to 
this question, so that now there is a good wide carriage road, 
which may be called the Formosan State road, running right 
through the island from north to south. There are also many 
smaller roads, that may be called district roads running froni 
town to town, and also connecting the different villages with 
one another- Even the roads which connect the smaller 
villages have been widened, so that carts can now pass easily. 

There are now 5,922 miles of roads which may rightly 
be called public roads. Of these 2,899 miles are under 6 
feet wide; 2,154 miles under iz feet; 593 miles under 18 
feet ; 220 miles under 24 feet, and 56 miles over 24 feet wide. 
There are also 3,339 bridges under 30 feet wide; 315 over 
30 feet ; 69 over 129 feet, and 7 over 300 feet wide, mak- 
ing 3730 bridges in all. The island is now well provided, 
horses and carriages being able to pass wherever there are any 
houses. The greater part of these improvements were carried 
out between the years 1898 and 1902. The change in so short 
a time is indeed astonishing, and the success of the civil ad- 
ministration deserves a more general recognition, especially 
when it is understood that the Formosans themselves were in- 
duced to contribute their land or work by a system of local 
taxation in kind. 

It seems incongruous that there should have been a railway 
in Formosa though there were no roads to speak of — the fact 
shows how very enthusiastic Liu Ming-chuan was for reforms. 
Through lack of funds and political opposition he was not 
able to carry the line through from north to south as he had 
intended. The work was under weigh from 18S7 to 1893, but 
during those seven years not more than sixty-three miles from 
Kelung to Shinchiku were completed. Even this portion was 
very imperfectly done, as the Chinese who superintended the 
American engineers were quite incompetent, and continually 
interfered with the tatter. The Japanese engineers who in- 
spected the line found to their amazement that it was quite 



I 
I 
I 



p 



COMMUNICATIONS— MAILS, HARBOURS, ETC. 255 

unprovided with signals, the incline was too great — in nine 
places in the ten miles between Kelung and Taihoku the rise 
was over i in 20; the curves were also too short, most of 
them being only three and a half chains in length. The 
engines weighed twenty-five tons and the rails thirty-six lb,, 
while most of the bridges were of wood. The passenger fares 
were not fixed, varying each day according to the number of 
passengers. When the Japanese army entered the island this 
line was used by them, and a temporary one was also built 
from Hozan to Takow in the south, besides a road northward 
from Shinchiku. Formosan Chinese were employed to push 
the carriages along these lines. 

In June, 1896, Japanese capitalists combined to establish 
the Formosan Railway Company, and applied for permission 
to build a road right through from the north to the south of 
the island. This the Government granted, and handed over 
to the company the railroad already opened between Kelung 
and Shinchiku on the understanding that the latter should 
keep it in repair as well as complete the whole line. The 
company, however, when they saw that the undertaking 
would never pay, surrendered all their rights. When Viscount 
Kodama was appointed Governor-General, he resolved that 
the Government itself should take up the work of repairing and 
extending this railroad. He therefore presented a memorial 
to the Thirteenth Session of the Japanese Diet, requesting 
financial support, and the Diet having authorised an expenditure 
of 28,800.000 yen, the work was commenced in 1899. The 
old line from Kelung to Shinchiku was mostly entirely relaid, 
the incline being reduced to less than i in 40, and five tunnels 
constructed with a total length of 4,624 feet, all of which 
added considerably to the safety of the line. Anew line from 
Taihoku to Tamsui, a little more than thirteen miles long, was 
started at the same time and completed in August, 1901. At 
the same time the construction of the line was started south 
of Shinchiku, and from Takow in the south. In June, 1905, 
when these pages were written, the whole line was completed 
throughout the 259 miles from north to south, except that 
temporary bridges were in use for crossing the Daikokei, 
Daiankei, Dakusuikei, and one or two other large streams. 
Permanent bridges are in course of construction over all these 



258 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



Rising Sun is seen along the Chinese coasts. Tht Douglas 
Company, which had for so long the monopoly of the carrying 
trade between Formosa and the mainland, has now been shut 
out, except that they still send one or two boats to Tamsui 
during the tea season. Our authorities pay out five or six 
hundred thousand yen a year in subsidies, which is not an ex- 
horbitant sum when we consider the benefits it confers all round. 
I cannot help, however, taking exception to the terms of 
the Government contract, seeing that it demands a speed of 
only ten knots an hour. I believe the time has arrived when 
an ordinary speed of at least thirteen knots should be insisted 
on between Kelung and Japan, while the vessels should be 
able to make sixteen knots. Moreover, the companies should 
not be allowed to put vessels on this route which have already 
been in use over twenty years. The line pays better than any 
of the other subsidised lines, and the Yusen Kwaisha have 
lately made one extra voyage a month, showing that it would 
not be difficult for them to increase the speed of their vessels. 
I need not enlarge on the fact that there are two things which 
contribute much to colonial success ; first, bringing the colony 
as near to the mother-country as possible, and second, increas- 
ing in every possible way the comfort of the voy^e. 



1 

I 



^ COMW 

1 

' i 
i i 

D 

i 


UNICATIONS— MAILS, HARBOURS, ETC. 


=59 


1 

s 


Nippon Yusen Kwaisha 
Osaka Sbosen Kwaisha 

Kiniabiuo Kada 
Osaka Shoun KwaUha 




u 


11 f 1 ' ti m 


i 


/Over a,50o tons and 
\ over 9 knots 

(Over 1,500 tons and 
over 10 knots 
(Over 1,300 ton* 
and over ,0 
I knots 
fOver t,JOo tons ' 
i and over 10 
I knots J 
Over I JO tons 

Over 1.200 tons and 
over 10 knots 

Over 1,000 tons 
Over 1,300 tons and 

Over 7 knots 

Over 30 tons 


1 

1 


Twice a month 

{Four draea a month &om April-Sepu 1 
Three times a month in Oct and March \ 
Twice 1 month from Nov.-Feb. J 
{Four tiroes a month from April-Sept \ 
Three times a month from Oct.-March/ 
Twice a month 
Four times a month 
Five times a month 


1 


1 -N.H in i 1,1,! . 

1 IhmpsM J Il|l|1||| 




17 • 


1 



26o JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

Some slight changes have been made in the routes, and 
also in the amounts of the Government subsidies, as may be 
seen from the following table ; — 





>»». 


iRgB. 


>Sg9. 


igoD. .90.. >9Bii. 


Subsidised routes . 






8 


ra 12 11 


Number of voyages 




iGS 


198 


J98 3S0 244 


Mileage tnversed. 


332,004 


3io,868 






Tonnage 


669,600 


641.^«0 


6so,4O0 


751.4™ 766.800 586,800 


Number of veweli used 










Total nibddy in yen . 


5M.50O 


5*4.500 


700.000 


798.069 SoS,s99 664.209 



The total tonnage of all vessels, including the above, which 
have entered and left Formosan ports from 1898-I903 is as 
under : — 

CLEARED FROM FORMOSAN PORTS. 





Sw 


unen. 


S^mt 


veu.1, 


Chi« 


OtlB*.. 


Toul, 




















Number. 


Tcnc^.. 


Nu»b«. 


Tonn^. 


NBfflbtt. 


Tmmc.. 


Numb-. 


Tumnc. 


.898 


1.715 


1.021.854 




1,87" 




202,006 


15,106 


i.aa5.73i 


i«99 




1.111,679 












1.410,019 


1900 




3.715.303 


97 






1.593.513 


23.833 


4.317.4^* 


190. 


a.974 


2,136.457 




10,625 


31.537 


245.100 


35.533 


a,39».i7S 


190a 


J.a54 


1. 5*4.394 




449 


".453 


230,791 


24.715 


1.755.634 


1903 


».34' 


1.951.576 


298 


6.954 


30.339 


558.615 


32.979 


2,518.145 


1904 


«.aji 


1,268.887 


133 


at.551 


35,796 


349.363 


38.150 


1,639.801 



ENTERED FORMOSAN PORTS. 



v.„. 


Sl-n.™, 


StiUDRVoKll. 


ChiHK Junta. 


- 1 


Numtar. 


t™.^ 


Nofnbet. 


TqoB.,*. 


Nu»b«, 


TOBB^.. 


Mumbtr. 


Tmtt^ 


1898 
.899 

1900 

1901 
190a 
I90J 
1904 


i.7a7 
2.444 
3,ae6 
3.000 
2.244 
».343 
3,ai5 


1.032.003 
1,112.729 
2,645.411 
a,a24.992 
1.521.348 
1.9*7.377 
1.271.677 


i 

379 

I3S 


I.871 

10.705 


ao.'984 
33.94' 
30,454 
30.399 
36,322 


202.96a 

291.6 » 

'.631.348 

3".S44 

238.995 
563.734 
354.834 


15.485 
19.1^ 

36,'963 
32,709 


1.236.836 
1.407.835 
4.a8s.058 
3,567.241 
1.760.918 
2,517,637 
1,648,363 



I 

I 




A 



COMMUNICATIONS— MAILS, HARBOURS, ETC. 261 

Harbours. 

One of the greatest drawbacks to Formosa is that there 
are no good harbours. No trace can be found that the Chinese 
made any attempt to improve the accommodation for ships 
anywhere except at Kelung. Indeed, Kelung may be said to 
be the only port in the island. It has at low tide an area of 
nearly 300 acres where the water is 24 feet deep, but only 
a small part of this can be used, the rest being covered with 
sunken rocks. Only seven vessels of 3,000 tons and four 
of about 4,000 tons can be accommodated at once, and that 
only when the sea is calm. During the storms which are so 
frequent in the autumn and winter months, with a north or 
north-east wind, the inside of the harbour with its northerly 
entrance is quite as dangerous as the outside, and nothing 
can then be done to prevent the shipwrecks which so often 
take place. From 1898 to I901 five steamers, one foreign sail- 
ing ship, nineteen junks and fifty-four fishing boats were 
wrecked inside the harbour. 

For the above reason the Formosan authorities saw the 
necessity of constructing good harbours, and some years ago 
the appropriations for the work were duly passed by the Diet, 
and the work has been put in hand. A breakwater 3,990 feet 
long is to be built with an entrance 900 feet wide. This will 
enclose over 400 acres with a depth at low tide of 30 to lOO 
feet, over 100 acres with a depth of 26 to 30 feet, and over 
40 acres with a depth of 9 to 26 feet, so that when the work 
is completed the harbour will afford good anchorage for 16 
vessels, however stormy and rough it may be, besides allowing 
two large vessels of five or six thousand tons each to be 
moored at the wharf. The work of dredging b now prt^ess- 
ing gradually. 

One day, while I was at Taihoku, I heard that the ss. 
Gaelic had come in, and was moored at the wharf at Kelung. 
It is said that the place where the wharf now is was until re- 
cently a mere shallow shoal which any one could easily wade 
across, Now there stands a wharf 400 feet long, where big 
vessels can moor without difficulty, and continue loading and 
unloading in all weathers. This is a wonderful improvement. 
The full plan for the construction of the harbour is not yet 



L 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



262 

settled, therefore the work has not yet beeo properly put in hand. 
The work of dredging may be considered one thing and that 
of harbour construction another. It is clear, however, that un- 
less Jetties are built and the necessary breakwaters constructed, 
the dred^ng work which is now being performed with so 
much labour will not afford protection on stormy days to large 
vessels ; to leave the harbour thus unfinished would be like 
spending many months and days in painting a dragon and then 
omitting to finish his eyes. I sincerely hope, therefore, that 
the Japanese authorities will take such measures as will ensure 
the speedy construction of the harbour. 

I have already said that Kelung may be counted the only 
port in Formosa. Of the vessels that come in and go out 
from the Pescadores and Formosa each year, numbering 4,500 
or 4,600, with an aggregate tonnage of 3,500,000 tons, about 
one-ninth, with about one-fifth of the tonnage, enter and leave 
Kelung. If, for instance, we look at the statistics for 1904, 
we see that 522 vessels with 696,123 tonnage entered and left 
Kelung, From this fact it is quite clear that the enterprise of 
constructing a really safe harbour there is a necessary work, and 
not a useless luxury. Some may say that harbour construction 
is in no way urgent when once the port has been well dredged, 
but I should like the people with ideas of that kind to visit the 
port some day when a north-west gale sweeps over the island. 
The second time I visited Formosa was in June, 1905, and, 
though our transport weighed 2,600 tons, we could not enter 
the harbour on account of the north-westerly storm, but instead 
were tossed to and fro for twenty-four hours about eighty 
miles off, near Edincote Island, to the no small discomfort and 
inconvenience of all the passengers. It will no doubt be an 
expensive matter to make a good harbour. The British spent 
35,000,000 yen on the harbour at Capetown, and the Dutch 
nearly 30,000,000 yen for the same purpose in Java ; they did 
not hesitate to expend such large sums, though neither of the 
ports seemed likely to be brought into very close contact with 
the respective home countries. The wisdom of this expendi- 
ture was justified, and contributed laigely to the success of the 
colonies, I would, therefore, have our authorities, as well as 
the nation at lai^, follow the generous example of these two 
nations. In order to carry out this work, the Formosan 



I 






COMMUNICATIONS— MAILS, HARBOURS, ETC. 263 

Government intends to float a loan, and as the island purposes 
to bear the whole responsibility herself, there is no reason why 
Japan should interfere in the matter in any way. 

After Kelung the port of Tamsui is the best, but it is by 
no means good. There are many shallow.'!, and at low tide 
there is a depth of only 13 feet, so that all vessels of 1,000 tons 
and over which arrive there at the wrong time have to wait 
for the tide. Even at high tide vessels over I.OOO tons cannot 
anchor inside. The ports along the western coast are Tokatsu- 
kutsu, Rokko, Shajo, Taianko, Takow, Anping, etc. They can 
hardly be counted as harbours, for at these places the bottom 
is shifting sand, and vessels are apt to get aground when the 
tide falls. The port of So-o on the eastern coast has a fairly 
good harbour. The water is deep and not disturbed by sudden 
storms, but the place is too rocky to be entirely safe. Hinan 
Seikoko and Karenko may also be mentioned, though they 
are onlyports without harbours. Vessels trading with Formosa 
are generally obliged in a storm to run to the Pescadores for 
refuge, where the Bay of Bako affords a secure retreat. 



Lighthouses and Lightships. 

The Formosans have from prehistoric times been accus- 
tomed to appropriate everything which they found washed up 
along their shores. Whenever men or women happened to 
come ashore, a knock on the head from a piece of wood stopped 
any awkward questions. Occasionally, however, the lives of 
these unfortunates were spared, and they were retained as 
slaves. It made little difference whether they fell into the 
hands of the Formosan Chinese or the savages. 

In 1900 the Formosan authorities issued regulations con- 
cerning a Relief Fund to assist those who were shipwrecked off 
the Formosan coasts, and decided to adopt the same regulations 
as are now in force in Japan. They have, moreover, given 
much attention to the question of lighting the coa.st, and have 
placed buoys where necessary. 



I 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



„™ 


a s a S E E B E ^ S E 




d « « d ffi <£ d «i d d d 


■Ki»n 

mniIiqltaH 




1 


Class 4, revolving 

white light 

Class 5. ftted 

white light 

ClasB 2, fixed 

while light 

Class 6. fixed 

white light 

Class 6, fixed 

white light 

Cla><s 6, fixed 

white light 

Class fi. fixed 

white light 

Class I, fixed red 

and white light 

Class 3, [evolving 

red and white tight 

Class 4, fixed 

white light 

Class t, revolving 

white light 


1 


Iron, hexagonal, white 

Brick, cylindrical, painted white 

black and white horiionul lines 

Iron, square, painted white 
Iron, painted while 

Square, iron bar 

Brick, square, painted white 

Iron, round, painted white 

Brick, cylindrical, painted irfiite 

Iron, round, painted black 
Iron, lound, painted with black 


l! 


1^ II !t 8.11 1 

i i } ii t 111 III 1 

= : 1 If Iff 1 


3 


s?!? Sir if asyffs 


j 


o „ o OO .J o o o o 8 

S 5 S 8a 8 S 8 5 S ? 


j 
1 


Kelung 

«ho, Taihoku 

Tamsui 
Tamsui 

Anping 

Takow 

of Koshun 

Chikuhokujiho, Sbin- 

chiko 

South-western ex- 

Northein extremity 
of Pescadores 


1 


!:s:s;i:ili:i:s:p: 



Q 


MMUNICATIONS— MAILS, 


HARBOURS, ETC. 265 ^M 


P 


1 - --^ ^ 

? * A 


CO 

ai 

I 


i 

1 


If a vessel signals in a dense fog, the gun is fired 
twice, with five minutes' interval between each 
shot, and repealed after ten minutes if necessary. 

The wbUUe is blown for five seconds every minute 
in dense fog or dark storm. Its sound can be 
beard four miles off in calm weather. 

If a veuel signals in a fog, the gun is fired twice, 
with three minutes' interval between each shot, 
aad repeated after eight minutes if necessary. 




1 


Iron cone with cylindrical top 

cylindrical .. 
„ triangular „ 
Wooden suff 

Iron cone with cylindrical top 


i 


1 == !■= 1 

1 "Hi 
1 r- 1 ° f 




Uncertain 

iSth March, 1899 

Uncertain 


8 
3 


Black 

Red 
Red 

Black 
Red 
Black 

Red 


1 


1 1 1 


1 

Z 


lloithern side of bar in the 

entrance to Tamsui Port 

Southern side of above bar 

Northern side of southern 

shoal in Tamaui Port 

Inflexible Rear. Kelung 

East of shoal, Kelung 

Western exUeniily of Bush 

Island, Kelung 

On the bar at entrance to 

Bako, Pescadores 


^ 


Capo Riihitta, Pescadores 

NoTthem extremity of 

Oarambi. Koshun 


North Bar Buoy ^ 

South Bar Buoy 
Harbour Buoy . 

Inflexible Rear Buoy 
Coral Shoat Buoy . 
Bush Island Staff . 

Fuon Buoy 


1 


Alarm (Fisher Island) 

Fukkikaku Light- 
house Alarm 

Oarambi Lighthouse 
Alarm . 












^ 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



Postal System. 

Since 1896, when the civil authorities took over the ad- 
ministration, they have adopted the same postal system as 
that in Japan, both with regard to domestic and foreign postal 
business. There had indeed been postal institutions from the 
time of Liu Ming-chuan, but as the postal department was in 
the same corrupt state as the rest of the administration, the 
people could place no dependence upon it, and many remained 
quite ignorant of its benefits. To correct false impressions, our 
authorities, in February, 1897, issued a small book setting forth 
the bene6ts of the postal system, and explaining why the 
Government had monopolised the communications. Since that 
time the people have learned by experience that the Govern- 
ment is to be trusted and the postal business has gradually 
increased. 

This development, however, has not been attained without 
painful sacrifices. The brigands interrupted the postal lines, 
and did their utmost to kill the men in chaise of the mails. 
At first police protection was afforded, but as it proved in- 
sufficient, military guards were employed. Even then the 
postal officials were often exposed to much danger. N ow, how- 
ever, since the suppression of brigandage, there has not been 
the slightest obstruction, and mail matter is delivered all over 
Formosa with as much regularity as in Japan. The system 
extends from Kelung in the north to Koshun in the extreme 
south, and along the eastern coast through Taito back to 
Kelung. Wherever there exists any means of communication 
either by sea or land, except only through the savage territory, 
mail matter is now delivered. The fifty-two miles between 
Karenko and So-o is traversed by sea alone. Mail matter may 
even be sent to the savage localities, provided that the sender 
understands that it is not delivered by postmen, but is detained 
at the post office until called for by the r 




COMMUNICATIONS— MAILS, HARBOURS, ETC. 267 
POST OFFICES, ETC, IN FORMOSA. 







Sub-Bnsch 
Pmliod 




p«i Cud. 


Piltar 


l^i 


NnrabetaT 

Df livRoI la 

Form on. 


IS46 










So 






»807 






25 




140 


6.791,106 


7.368,678 








as 






7,4".8w 


I'&ii 


1H9Q 


46 


37 


5 








tgoa 




43 




177 


a54 


11,384.144 




















1909 








369 


4^8 






1903 




47 




5"» 


ft«l 


'3.792.551 




1904 


59 


sa 


" 


547 


730 


15.512.TO9 


i6,302,8,a 



Some years ago the foreign mails were all sent by way of 
Japan, but now, with the exception of what still has to go that 
way, they are sent direct via Amoy or Hong Kong. All the 
postal rates are the same as those charged in Japan, except 
that the parcel post charges are twenty sen dearer. 

Telegraphs. 
In 1897 the total length of telegraph lines was only 871 
miles, but in 1904 it was 2,700 miles. In 1897, 823,000 do- 
mestic telegrams were received and despatched, but in 1904 
they had increa.sed to over 985,000. In 1899 the Department 
of Communications purchased the submarine cable between 
Formosa and Foochow, and the receipts from this line were 
equally divided between that department and the Forraosan 
Government. There is also another cable connecting Formosa 
with the Pescadores, and also a line between Kelung and 
Naha, the capital of the Loochoo Islands. Newspaper cor- 
respondents will be interested to leam that in 1902 the 
authorities issued a special regulation with regard to press 
telegrams, according to which all inland telegrams sent by 
newspaper correspondents to their respective offices are charged 
ten sen per message, with an additional charge of three sen for 
every five additional letters. 

Telephones. 
It may surprise some Japanese to be told that telephones 
and wireless telegraphy are already in use in Formosa. The 



268 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



residents of Taihoku, Tainan, Taichu and Kelung already 
enjoy the convenience of telephones. Wireless telegraphy is 
made use of between Taito and Garambt. 

In countries where the genera! state of living is high, the 
organs of communication are an important source of Govern- 
ment revenue, but where the general state is low, it is inevit- 
able that they represent a serious loss. Formosa is in the 
latter condition, and the following table shows the amount of 
loss the Government has to bear each year : — 



nKalYtu. 




LwiaYca. 


ttS99 

IQOO 
1901 

190] 


87S.119 44'.390 
967.030 51I.174 
993.349 336.842 
915.609 563.048 
9S3.077 64SJ35 
910,514 8*7,187 


456.407 
353^61 
307.74a 
83,3*7 



The reasons for the high cost of this department are : the 
officials in Formosa receive higher salaries than those holding 
similar positions in Japan, besides receiving extra emoluments ; 
travelling is much more expensive than in Japan ; the men 
employed in the Third Class Post Offices in Japan are not pro- 
vided by the Government with uniforms, whereas they are in 
Formosa; and lastly, in Japan the telegraph posts last about 
seven or eight years, whereas in Formosa they have all to be 
renewed every three years. 



CHAPTER XVn. 

FOREIGN TRADE— COMMERCE AND EXCHANGE WITH JAPAN. 

Effect of local conditions on prices — Prices of staples in chief towns compared — 
DilTcTences due lo diflicuIticB of tea n sport— Position of the rnctchanti — 
Producers in the clutches of Chinese and foreign merchants — Facilities of 
communication establiEbed under Japanese rule — Impending rcvotulion in 
trade organisation and relations — Piogceas of exports anil imports — Japan 
Formosa's chief customer — Comparison of trade between Japan and For- 
moBB— Value of impotia torn Japan — Summary of the values — Former 
banking methods — Institution of Japanese banks —Currency standards — 
Gold standard proposed — Amount of money in circulation — What the Bank 
of Formosa has done — Eatablishmenl of native banks — Extortionate rates 
of interest a check on enterprise, 

Trade and Commerce. 

In some of the lower forms of animal life the whole body is 
not controlled by one central system of nerves, but each portion 
of the body has its own separate system. If such an animal 
is cut in half, or even in three, each portion continues to live. 
Similarly, there exist in the undeveloped lower stages of society 
many small political and economic centres, each one standing 
by itself and receiving no commands from the central govern- 
ment. Such was the state of Formosa under the Chinese 
r^me. The villages of a district, with some town as their 
centre, would form themselves into a community with similar 
customs and manners, and governing themselves without refer- 
ence to the outside world. This was especially true with regard 
to all commercial matters. If the reader will study the table 
given below, and compare the prices charged for the same 
commodity in different districts, he will find it difficult to be- 
lieve that such wide differences can exist within the compass 
of one small island. In Taihoku the price of unhulled rice is 
5'36 yen per bale, whereas at Kagi it is 320 yen. Coal worth 
37 sen at Taihoku costs i yen at Kagi. These examples are 
269 



L. 



2;o JAPANESE RULE !N FORMOSA 

enough to show how far prices are controlled by local con- 
ditions, without reference to a common centre. 

COMPARISON OP PRICES. 









UdIibUb] Rica. 


SnM 


F(B*. 


CwL 


NuneoTDIUricL 










SopBlor. 


Htdiniii. 


CtniBoiL 








Taihoku 


5 36 






■96 


»0S7 








































Shinchiku 






4-91 


4-75 




"75 


y 




Taicbu 


















Biotiteu 






3-93 


3-5< 


311 








Sboka . 






396 




3*3 


■45 


1950 


■70 


Tainan 










«-47 




try) 




Kagi . 












X871 






jai 


2'9S 


J«a 


■97 


33- 


" 



N.B. — The price given for rice is per Koku ofs biubela, that for the other 
ardclee pet 100 Kin, equal to 133 lb. 

If the transport facilities were as good as in Japan, the 
Kagi rice now selling at 3"20 yen would be sent at once to 
Taihoku, where it would fetch 5 yen ; and those places where 
coal now sells at i yen would import from other places until 
they had abundance for all their needs. Improved communi- 
cations would tend to make prices more uniform. But in 
Formosa the merchants, who in former times when there were 
no railways, or telegraphs, or any such means of communica- 
tion, used to chaise for their wares any prices they chose, still 
keep to their old customs, and though the conditions have 
changed entirely, the prices still differ greatly in different 
localities. This one fact will throw much light on the present 
condition of the island. 

The local country merchants at present are despotic rulers, 
so to speak, in their own business circles; though they treat 
their city customers with deference, as soon as they go into 
the country they begin to lord it over the farmers, expecting 
everybody to bow down to them. They fix their prices arbi- 
trarily, without regard to the natural law of supply and 
demand. One would imagine that they with their large profits 
were all men of wealth, but such is not actually the case. The 



I 



The ■ 



FOREIGN TRADE 



271 



truth is that the large Formosan landowners receive some 
share of these profits, the rest and the largest share going into 
the pockets of the wholesale Chinese merchants in Fokien. 
For this reason there are but few men in Formosa with suffi- 
cient capital to develop or even manage their own businesses. 
Most of the commercial undertakings are carried on by com- 
panies, the larger ones being really owned by foreign merchants 
in China or elsewhere, who naturally absorb all the gains. 

The merchants' way of doing business with the farmers is 
cruel in the extreme. They advance the latter all the money 
they require for working their farms, receiving from them in 
return a mortgage on the crop, whether it be tea, camphor, 
sugar or rice. Once a farmer gets into the clutches of a 
merchant, there is little likelihood of his being able to cast off 
the fetters all his life. As the loans come chiefly from Hong 
Kong, Amoy and Shanghai, the economical conditions in 
Formosa are entirely governed by the merchants on the main- 
land, and the profit.s go, not to the Formosans, but into the 
pockets of rich Chinese, Englishmen or Americans. Formosa 
has for centuries exported large quantities of rice and tea, and 
for the last thirty or forty years camphor and sugar, the prices 
and quantities of which have increased each year ; yet the state 
of the country shows that the owners of the rice fields alone 
realize any profit to add to their hoards, while all the planta- 
tions and farms are left in the hands of poverty-stricken farmers, 
who. on account of their straitened circumstances, are quite 
unable to make any improvements. 

But such conditions cannot go on for ever ; to-day there 
are telegraphs to report the prices of commodities in other 
places, railways to transport the goods north and south, and 
banks to promote the circulation of capital. Even the silver 
coins which the natives had buried have begun to flow into 
the market. These new elements will revolutionise the com- 
mercial conditions prevalent hitherto, and it seems to me that 
the revolution is not far off. Wherever our political influence 
extends, we are endeavouring to change the customs and habits 
of the natives in this respect. A change has already taken 
place in that the Japanese goods, which have hitherto been 
imported through Hong Kong and Amoy, now come direct 
from Japan, and many of the exports to foreign countries are 



L 



2/2 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

now sent by way of Japan. The natives, who used to wear 
clothes of Chinese manufacture, and live on food grown in 
China, are now beginning to use Japanese manufactures. The 
trade relations between Formosa and Japan are becoming 
closer and closer, and at the same time Formosa's business 
dealings with other countries are making remarkable progress, 
addii^ rapidly to the island's wealth. These facts may be 
seen from the following tables : — 

TOTAL AMOUNT OF EXPORTS AND IMPORTS (GOODS ONLY). 
COMPARING VEAR WITH YEAR (VALUE GIVEN IN YEN). 

{Excipting iSg6, not intlitding goodi sent to or rtctividfrom yapan.) 



Y*u. 


BiF«ra. 


iBpara. 


.^ 


Bins of 


ISS? 


1896 


11,403,227 


8.631,001 


20.033.218 


2,771,226 




.897 




".659,:»98 


25.4t8.s9a 






.898 


12,817,190 










tSM 


11,114,911 


14,273,092 


JS.388.013 




3.IS8.17I 


1900 


10,571,285 


»3.5 70.664 


24.141.949 




3.999.379 


1901 


8,398,800 


13.809,795 


21,108.595 




4,jio.99s 


1902 


13,816,868 


lO.IO0.S32 


13.9t7.400 


3i7i^3j6 










21,850,693 






1904 


12.391,124 


"2.838.442 


25,229.567 




447.30 



COIN AND SPECIE. 



iSgC 


».'^7i577 


5.4I4.S07 


7.49*1084 




3.336,930 


1897 




5.941.094 


8,318.653 






1898 






ID. 170,763 






1899 


2,487.781 


3.568,867 








1900 


2,823.405 


i.49».3i3 


4.315.718 


1.331.09a 




1901 


1.705.369 


i.i7<'.33S 


2.875,604 


535. 134 
















«903 


940,230 


1.454.323 


3,394.553 




514.093 


1904 


1.195.973 


494.801 


1,690,774 


701.172 







F 


FOREIGN TRADE 


n 




; 




J 


1 


z 


i 




! 


>• 

i 


i 


«*" "n- "" " ■" 


4 


i 

s i 

m 

ill 

ii 1 

ill 

ill 
§s 1 
s 1 

Q 

o 

1 


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f 

1 


1 




1 


1 




8. 
Jr 


1 




f 


i 




1 




~ 1 li- ■ 


L 


I8 


J 



274 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



1 



a s S 



£St, 



gj ass? SB'S :,s 



? Ss^^S la!^ 



i' I- *sf5sH 
; 1*1 fSt^js 












to Qi *» o n le £ to X ? ot 



ssiffiHsaJ^lffJ; 



»o *D §^ (^ tf% r* tffl t^ >*-i ON '*i S ^ "n o 00 n 7 tf^ eT^ a^ a rv 



|?|||p|5 Ijffii^ 









Is «tsl ^l.« 



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l?|iill.^*|l§fisii Mii-ij I i|p " 

ESS uotn> jSm>tS!OQiiKH ooJomo.« h5ou 



FOREIGN TRADE 



275 



^ it ^S^ 



^\ is tii,\t 







Ok 









«n 



cC 






ll ii 






I in M ^ fo loao «n o 






«• OkOkl>> 






Noq r* to ^ 53 



o" 



M 8 oS M 00 CfSlO mO M 

•n MM M 






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fooo fo m fo m«o 



too m 



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!>. M ♦ ♦ fO l>.00 O O 






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I 




irir-k *^ Q c* <*>oo m r^^oo m 

♦ C^ ^ *1 *? ^* *^'** ♦^ 

S^ T**^** ^»oo tfgo M 

M rh ^M 00 N irtO 00 M 



S«"8 

Koo M 

rob «0 



r<^ 9 ro <noo ^ O M M o 

S'S" M mo %oo of S ^ 

00 j^oo t>>ao ^M o f>i>> 

<nOO CO OlO iTk !>> l« N eo 



M M O 



2* 

s 



Mio Q ro 
«t mo ♦ 
M N ll !>. 



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g. 

m 
fo 






Ooo 
M r* 

9i 



tOMfOOk^roFn Ok 
Q«odi(nfoe«M 100 
o 00 O roo !>> I ot 




f^ M n 



!>. !>. Ok^O t^ Ok m kOkQOD 

M i>.ao oom^r*^ m cd$9 
00 M m fo 9 r«k M Okoo ▼ 




fo»* ▼ M e>. I 

M fO M 



m rC ^c& 

2 -"8? 



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•rjkOiJm « w ri 

!!D!tf <^'^ fo ^ M 
moo M jt moo Ok 



fni>.i>. 

M N 



w m Ok 
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t^mo 

iff If 



m 
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m 

00 




m •»> M ^30 t>. 90 Q M 

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roi>. 



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ft 



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snoo 



18 



1 278 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA ^M 


DETAILED LIST OF ARTICLES IMPORTED FROM JAPAN (VALUE IN YEN), 
COMPARING YEAR WITH YEAR. 


i 




t 


II 








i 


il|||ll|l|||||!|||fl|||||f|!||, 


i 




i 




1 


n 






II 


4. ill .nil. 


i 
■0 

.= 

h 


Sak«, clarified 1 

., bottled ; 

Beer 

Foreign wines l 

Other spirits f 

Other eatables and drinks .... 

Cigarettes 1 

Cuttobacco / 


Mil 




^ i 



FOREIGN TRADE 



•i 

i. 

^ OS 






ftS 






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JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA ^| 


DETAILED LIST OF ARTICLES IMPORTED FROM JAPAN (VALUE IN YEN), 
COMPARING YEAR WITH YEAR. 


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C«ndy 

Green tea 

Pickles 

Miso (cake made of beans, wheat) . | 

Other dried vegetables .... 

Perch 1 

Dried and salted fish . 

Dried bonilo 

Other marine products 

Cleaned rice 

Beans I 

Other kinds of grain . . . . / 

Hour 

Sake, clarified 

.. bottled 1 

Beer 

Other eatables and drinks .... 

Cigarettes \ 

Cut tobacco / 

Medicines . 

KcrOKne \ 

Other kinds of oil . . . , / 

Cotton ihicRd 

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■ FOREIGN TRADE 279 


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Other metalB . . . 

Window glass 1 

Glass manufactures . . . . / 

Locomotives ....'., 
Rails 


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= 858 

111! 


Matches 

Coal and coke 

Timber and boards 

Foreign paper 

Other kinds of paper . _. 

Other insMumenlB 

Cement and lime 

Bricks and tiles 

Furniture, trunks, etc 

Total 


k ' 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

If we combine all the above tables, we shall be able to see 
the total exports from Formosa to foreign countries, as well as 
to Japan. The total value in 189? was 14,863.942 yen ; this 
had risen to 21,224,366 yen in 1902. The imports in 1897 were 
16,383,020 yen, and in 1902 these amounted to 19,335,822 
yen ; that is to say, during these six years the exports in- 
creased by 6,360,424 yen and the imports by 2,952,802 yen. If 
we reckon the population in 1902 at about three millions, the 
value of the exports will average 7*07 yen per head, and the 
imports 6 '44 yen. 

Considering all the circumstances, these amounts compare 
very favourably with the trade of Japan seven or eight years 
ago, Looked at merely from the standpoint of our profit and 
loss, I can see no reason for us to regret having occupied 
Formosa. 

■ Banking and Currency. 

r As the ruling spirit of commerce and foreign trade, the 
island has hitherto had a kind of banking system, or rather 
Discount Offices, where copper cash could be exchanged, in 
addition to one or two agencies of foreign banking houses. 
The Discount Offices were patronised by those merchants 
whose headquarters or shareholders were in Hong Kong, 
Amoy or Shanghai. On presenting a draft at one of the 
offices the merchant received 993J Formosan dollars for each 
1,000. These offices were also in the habit of advancing money 
to tea producers and such-like people, receiving payment in 
kind when the season came round. The majority of them 
were really usurers who gathered together the local capital and 
prevented its circulation in the district. 

After the Japanese occupation the Thirty-fourth Bank, 
which has its headquarters at Osaka, opened a branch at 
Taihoku, and a little later the Government established the 
Bank of Formosa, which seems to have benefited the moneyed 
classes. The Bank of Formosa has a capital amounting to 
5,000,000 yen, of which half is paid up, As this is the finan- 
cial institution of our Government, its credit is very high, and 
its notes have a wide circulation. 

When Formosa came into our hands there was no special 
currency ; Hong Kong and Mexican dollars, as well as copper. 



k. 



FOREIGN TRADE 281 

were used, and the cash value of these coins, to the great in- 
convenience of the users, was decided according to their re- 
lative weights. At that time the situation was somewhat 
eased by the fact that Japan herself was using the silver 
standard. But, in 1897, when the gold standard was adopted 
by Japan, much inconvenience arose in the business transac- 
tions between the two countries, Formosa, being then unable 
to adopt the gold standard, was made an exception ; accord- 
ingly in July, 1898, orders were issued that in Formosa one 
silver yen should pass unconditionally at current rates fixed 
by the Governor-General. Hence the Govern or- General was 
obliged to do bankers' work, and publish the current rate when- 
ever any change was made. A further order was issued that 
only the Japanese silver yen, which bore the special official 
chop, could be used for paying taxes and duties. The Bank of 
Formosa also began issuing paper notes convertible into silver. 
They succeeded in recalling all the bad silver currency which 
had been in circulation, but losses were frequent owing to the 
fluctuations in the exchange rate of silver. 

On the 1st of July, 1904, having decided that the gold 
standard should be adopted in Formosa as soon as possible, 
the Government allowed the Bank of Formosa to issue new 
paper money, hoping thereby to remedy the losses arising 
JVom the frequent changes in the value of silver. The natives' 
love of gold and silver being almost as intense as their craving 
for food, it is well-nigh impossible in a few weeks or months 
to make paper notes the medium of circulation. 

In May, 1902, according to the returns, the undipped 
Formosan silver yen numbered 23,657,428, the supplementary 
Japanese silver coins amounted to 1,345,798 yen, foreign silver 
coins to 3,228,856 yen, nickel coins to 223,000 yen, and notes 
issued by the Bank of Formosa to 3,353,63 1 yen ; so the total 
amount then in circulation was 31,808,713 yen. To change 
the standard it would be necessary to issue notes convertible 
into gold amounting at least to 25,000,000 yen, and in order 
to do this we must have at least 7,000,000 or 8,000,000 yen on 
hand in gold. I should much like to see this accomplished if 
it is practicable. 

The establishment of the Bank of Formosa has been the 
subject of much criticism, and there are many changes which 



L 



282 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

I would surest. It has, however, been the means of giving 
the island a dependable currency, besides teaching the HoT' 
mosans the pecuniary advantages that accrue from putting 
their money into circulation, instead of letting it lie idle in the 
seclusion of their strong rooms. One day I bought some 
silk in Amoy, but finding I had run out of silver money, 
presented a Bank of Formosa note. The shopkeeper accepted 
it after a mere glance. A thing like that could not be dome 
for any bank which was not backed by the GovemmcnL 

The establishment of this bank led to another being opened, 
the Agricultural and Commercial Bank of Formosa. Thit waj 
the result of the united efforts of the wealthy merchants En 
Formosa, who conduct the business of the bank on a capital 
of 100,000 yen. There is, in addition, the Formosa Savingi 
Bank. 

In spite of the facilities afforded by these banks, the ratej 
of interest remain very high, from 3 J to S sen per day, with an 
occasional drop to 3 sen, being the general rule. On private 
guaranteed loans among the Japanese the highest rates ol 
interest per month are 6 per cent, and the lowest just under 
5 per cent. ; without security the highest rates are 73 per cenL 
and the lowest 6'l per cent. That is to say, a yearly interest 
of 72 per cent, would have to be paid for money borrowed on 
security at the highest rate. The Formosan Chinese, however, 
chaise each other still higher rates. The lowest rate of interest 
is 14 per cent per month and the highest I $ per cent ; borrowers 
would therefore have to pay a yearly interest of 180 per cent 
for money borrowed on security at the highest rate. Without 
security they would have to pay 1 9 per cent per month, t 
2z8 per cent per annum. 

In a country like this, with such high rates of interest, no 
enterprise worthy of note is to be expected. Having person- 
ally known many cases where our Japanese compatriots haw 
borrowed money from the natives and found it to be a pit&B 
from which they could not extricate themselves, I coukl 1 
help feeling sorry for them. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 



SANITATION. 



n imperative in colonies — Formosa's bad record — Marvellous im- 
provements—The waler supply— The prevention of disease — Hospital ar. 
langements — Medical faculty subsidised by the Government — Native medical 
students — Causes of apparent increase of disease — Statistics. 

It is remarkable how much attention is at the present day 
devoted by modem Governments to the sanitary conditions of 
their subjects. Indeed I do not think it would be wrong to 
say that the degree of civilisation attained by a people may be 
measured by the success of its sanitary administration. This 
is particularly true of tropical colonies, where epidemic diseases 
and malaria are the most formidable enemies man has to con- 
tend with. Most tropical countries are sparsely populated ; 
they have neither the capital nor the men required for the ex- 
ploitation of their resources, so one of the first duties of the 
administration is to encourage immigration and attract in- 
vestors. This, however, is out of the question until thecountry 
is cleared of epidemic and malarial diseases ; in the meantime 
industries remain stagnant for want of labour and funds. 
Moreover, in a newly conquered country, to put down possible 
risings a garrison must be retained, the health and efficiency 
of which necessitate a constant fight with epidemics. From 
whatever side therefore we look at it, in a country situated 
like Formosa, the first question that calls for the attention of 
the authorities is that of sanitation. 

Unfortunately the island has a very bad record, his Imperial 
Highness Prince Kitashirakawa having succumbed at Tainan 
to an attack of malarial fever, and many others having either 
died of epidemic diseases or been forced to leave quite broken 
down in health. A.s the tables of statistics showed such a 
high death rate, the people of Japan imagined that Formosa 
283 



284 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

must be a most unhealthy country. In addition to this, those 
Japanese who went to the island, but failed to succeed in the 
battle of life, brought back a bad report of the land which 
tallied all too well with the people's already preconceived ideas. 
Thus eastward from Osaka, Formosa came to be dreaded more 
than if it had been infested with evil spirits. In the districts 
west of Osaka, what with the ships from Formosa which were 
coming in and going out all the time, and the men and women 
who were returning, there were not a few who knew the real 
state of things ; but even there, in those districts which had 
but little communication with tJie island, people had an ex- 
tremely poor opinion of its sanitary condition. 

When I left for the island in May, 1904, my friends all 
thought I was risking my life foolishly, and said if I stayed 
more than a month I should be sure to catch malarial fever. 
They therefore advised me, if I intended to stay so long, to 
lay in a good supply of quinine pills, and begin taking them 
one or two days before landing. Up to that time I had not 
looked upon the island as specially unhealthy, but my friends" 
words caused me to modify my opinion. I took an evening 
train from Kelung to Taihoku, and, being badly bitten by 
mosquitoes, I could not help feeling somewhat troubled when 
I remembered how people said that malaria was carried by 
mosquitoes. 

After reaching Taihoku, but more especially on going south, 
I found that all the hearsay reports I had heard, all that 
Formosan savants had told me in Tokyo and all my own 
imaginings, were nothing more than bad dreams several years 
old. I then came as it were to myself, and was surprised to find 
everything so different from what I had expected. I at once 
wrote to my friend in Tokyo saying that I had found the heat 
not at all unbearable and the sanitary conditions so satisfactory 
that I was quite willing to send my children to the island, 

I expected to find all the large towns in Formosa buUt 
like the ones in China, with narrow streets lO or 15 feet 
wide, swarming with young pigs, the streets overflowing with 
filthy water and laid irregularly with stones of all shapes and 
sizes, and all the drinking water mixed with sewage. But I 
found all were built after the European style and had wide 
streets, as clean as the best in Tokyo. Some are even better 



1 




Railway Station at Taikoku. 




I 



Festival at Dait.itei (Twatutia). Page 384. 



SANITATION 285 

than any to be found in Tokyo because they are properly 
macadamised. The main roads in Taihoku are from 50 to 
60 feet wide, the cross roads 30 feet. At each side is a 
pavement for foot-passengers 12 feet wide, and between 
these and the carriage road run drains i or 2 feet wide 
built after the Singapore style, and all connected with one 
another, to facilitate the carrying off of rain-water and drain- 
age. All these great improvements are the outcome of the 
revision of the municipal boundaries. According to this re- 
vision all within the old city walls forms the central part of 
the new city, and from this centre roads go out in every 
direction. The work on the centra! part is just about finished, 
and it is said that many of the main roads in the outer portion 
are also completed. 

Hitherto the people of Taihoku have been drinking the 
water from the Tamsui River and also that from shallow 
wells. Liu Ming-chuan understood something of the danger 
of this, and brought over mechanics from Japan to dig some 
artesian wells, but only very few were finished. Our author- 
ities have therefore given much attention to this question, and, 
by employing steam-power to drive the boring machines, they 
have already completed 800 wells. One such well like that in 
Daitone will give 17,000 cubic feel of water in twenty-four 
hours. For the time being the question of the drinking water 
supply has been well solved ; and to prepare for the future, 
investigations are now being made as to the best way to 
construct waterworks. 

When I walked through one of the old narrow streets near 
the centre of the city, Baron Goto pointed out to me a small 
house, saying : " That was my official residence when I first 
arrived, so you can imagine how dirty the houses of the lower 
officials must have been. Thus it was but natural that there 
should be so much illness among them ; but now we have new 
official residences, all built on sanitary principles, whether they 
be large or small." With these houses and the wide clean 
streets of to-day before me, I found it hard to imagine what 
the city had been. But these improvements in the sanitary 
conditions do not stop at Taihoku. In Kelungthe authorities 
spent 460,000 yen in 1899 in constructing waterworks, bring- 
ing down good clear water from the upper parts of the river 



L 



286 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

Kelung, At TamsuJ, also, the waterworks were completed in 
the same year. Now there is no need for any one in these 
districts, which are naturally perhaps the worst in Formosa, to 
(all ill through drinking bad water. Shoka also is provided 
with waterworks. At Kagi men are now at work laying pipes 
to bring the water from the Hasshokei into the town. At 
Giran an artesian well about 500 feet deep has been di^ 
and gives abundance of good water. Tainan and Taichu have 
already been half rebuilt in accordance with the new municipal 
regulations. Both these towns, as well as Takow and the 
Pescadores, have prepared plans for waterworks, but in no case 
has the work been yet commenced. In short, in all the leading 
towns steps are being taken to stamp out the diseases caused 
by the use of bad water. 

There are other diseases, however, which reach man through 
intercourse with others. In order to stop the introduction and 
spread of these, Regulations for the Prevention of Infectious 
Diseases have been issued. At the same time, the local elders 
have been induced to co-operate with the central authorities in 
carrying out preventive and disinfecting measures. Provision 
has been made for medical inspections on the railway. At 
Kelung and Tamsui quarantine stations and hospitals have 
been erected, and in all the southern ports emergency quaran- 
tine stations have been opened. The quarantine examinations 
are not carried out in a loose and slipshod way, but scientific- 
ally with bacteriological tests, I visited the Pest Prevention 
Office at Tainan and inspected all the appliances. I saw 
hundreds of suspected rats being dissected in the dissecting 
room and the results examined under the microscope, while in 
another room I saw the cultivations of the plague bacteria. 
Thus it will be seen that the whole subject is being treated 
according to the very latest scientific methods. 

In spite of the thoroughness of the preventive measures 
adopted, they sometimes fail to prevent disease, and so phy- 
sicians are also a necessity. The authorities, therefore, drew 
up regulations with regard to hospitals, and in June, 1898, one 
hospital was opened in each of the following ten places, vis. : 
Taihoku, Kelung, Giran, Shinchiku, Taichu, Kagi, Tainan, 
Hozan, Taito, and also in the Pescadores. However conserva- 
tive and pig-headed the natives may be, they cannot help being 



SANITATION 



287 



L 



struck with the benevolence thus shown them by the adminis- 
tration. Before I saw the hospital at Taihoku, I made a trip to 
the south, and stayed one night at Taichu. I expected to 
leave early the next morning, but Dr. Fujita, the head of the 
hospital there, pressed me so much to come and see the hos- 
pital, that at last 1 agreed to go, though it upset all my arrange- 
ments. Contrary to my expectations, I found the hospital 
well fitted up considering the needs of the district and the 
amount it had cost. One cannot help admiring such an equip- 
ment. The water used in the patients' rooms, the drinking 
water, as also the water used for cooking purposes and that 
used in the town, is all examined. There is a staff of nurses, 
and interpreters are on hand for the convenience of native 
patients. All the food and drink given to the patients is kept 
in specially made boxes to ward off flies and other insects, and 
these boxes are placed in a room the floor of which is ce- 
mented. Most of the patients in this hospital are Japanese, but 
recently the natives have begun coming as well, convinced of 
the efficacy of the medicines used. I saw one native there who 
was suffering from opium poisoning, and I was greatly inter- 
ested in the very careful explanations which the doctor gave me 
showing that opium poisoning was not incurable. If an out-of- 
the-way place like Taichu has such a good hospital, you can 
understand how it will be in general throughout the island. 

Besides this, seventy-one doctors have been sent to different 
parts of the island; they act as health oflicers and attend to 
their own private practice as well. They are divided into three 
grades according to the prosperity of the towns where they are 
stationed. Those in the first grade receive 60 yen, those in 
the second 50 yen, and those in the third 40 yen a month. 
They also receive 10 yen monthly to repay them for the 
medicines they give free, and 5 yen each month towards their 
house rent. There are also a number of men assisting in the 
hospitals, and thus preparing themselves to become district 
doctors. Most of the present staff have been appointed from 
among these assistants. Besides the public hospitals there are 
twenty-five public and private hospitals. Including the doctors 
in these, there are 109 qualified physicians who support them- 
selves by private practice and receive no assistance whatever 
from the Government. 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



288 

To provide for the recruiting of the medical profession, 
the authorities have established a medical school at Taihoku 
exclusively for native students. It is my opinion that among 
the many measures of the sanitary administration, this one 
will produce the greatest results. The reason why the statis- 
tical returns show such a high death rate, is that the ignorant 
natives do not yet appreciate the benefits of medical science, 
and also that, however much the Japanese doctors may exert 
themselves, they are unable, owing to the strong race feeling 
which exists, to get as much practice as the Chinese doctors. 
Those Chinese doctors who have been given licences for the time 
and are allowed to practice under the name of medical students 
number 1,742. None of them are acquainted with modem 
European medicine, and manyarecunningquacks whodo much 
harm by prescribing regardless of the nature of their patients' 
complaints, often showing themselves in this respect even more 
ignorant than ordinary men. For the sake of the public health 
as well as for political reasons, the authorities consider it im- 
portant to replace them, as speedily as possible, by other 
Chinese who shall have received a thorough medical training. 

Wishing to see the Chinese students at work, I paid a visit 
to the Medical School, When 1 called, one of the professors 
was showing the students the effect of electrifying a toad's leg. 
I noticed that the manuscript of the lecture on physiology, 
which their teacher had prepared and which the students were 
looking over, was written in mixed script the same as is used 
all over Japan. I asked Dr. Takagi, the Principal of the school, 
what progress the students were making with their studies, 
and also how they were received by the people when they took 
up practice. He gave me very favourable answers on both 
these points. " Their success is certain," said he, " for though 
there are to-day a large number of Chinese doctors, most of 
the people place but little confidence in them and do not send 
for them when they are ill, but go instead to the temple and 
cast lots before the gods. They then use grass or bark or 
roots or whatever the lot directs. Another favourable ai^ry 
is that those of our graduates who are already in practice are 
getting on very well indeed." After going through the dormi- 
tory, I collected the highest class and said to them : " On you 
rests the responsibility of extending civilisation in this land, 



I 



SANITATION 



289 



because civilisation must be brought in by means of the bene- 
ficial effects of medical science. 1 earnestly desire, therefore, 
that you may succeed, for being Formosans, you are really 
able to help your people more than any one else can." I may 
also add that as a security against adulteration al! medicines 
are specially tested before being sent out. 

The sanitary improvements I have mentioned above ought, 
one would think, to have materially lessened the death rate, 
but this good result is not yet visible in the statistics. On the 
contrary, the number of deaths, as will be seen from the 
tables given below, shows a yearly increase, or at any rate 
no decrease. This is what we most grieve over, but those who 
read these figures must remember that in former days the 
Formosans were suspicious of Japanese officials and doctors, 
and so concealed their disease, whereas now they come most 
willingly. To this mast be largely a.scribed the apparent 
increase in the number of deaths appearing in the statistics. 
A certain military doctor, who is thoroughly conversant with 
the conditions which prevailed some years ago in Taihoku and 
Taichu, said to me one day: "When these two cities were 
surrounded as they used to be on all sides with flourishing 
forests, the infectious bacteria accumulated to an amazing 
extent. But now that the forests are gone and the mosquitoes 
have no hiding-places, the sanitary conditions are vastly im- 
proved. It is strange, however, that the statistics do not show 
better results." These words hold true of other cities also. 

If we tabulate separately the death.'; among the garrison, 
some light will be thrown upon the successful results of our 
sanitary efforts. I think, too, that when the soldiers move into 
their new barracks, which have all the windows covered with 
fine wire netting to keep out the mosquitoes, their general 
health will show a marked improvement. These new barracks 
ought to have been ready by the end of 1904. 
HEALTH OF THE GARRISON. 



I 



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671 


4.098 


43 


.898 




649 


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441 


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37' 


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290 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 


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EDUCATION— RF.LIGION— PHILANTHROPY. 



-Insti 



EDUCATtON. — The Chinaman's love of money — Lamentable ignor 

tion of schools — Educational problems — Melhodi; adopted — Educational 
expenses defrayed out of local taiatlon — Progress accomplished — Number 
of pupils — Schools, governmental and missionary — Gradual growth of 
mutual conlidencc — Need for healthy litetalure. 

Relioion.— A religion without ethics — Dr. G. L, Mackay on heathenism in 
Formosa — Merc superstition and devil worship — Blind leaders of the blind 
— A new religion — Chinese spirit worship — The work of Roman Calholics 
— Presbyterian mission succeuc* — Religioai statistics. 

Ph I LA HTHROpy.— Chinese generosity — Existing charities founded by the Chinese 
— Japanese institutions and their endowments — A general relief fiind — The 
Red Cross Society, 

Education. 
Education has a great future before it in Formosa. In 
fact, it may be looked upon as the most important means of 
civilising the island. If the inhabitants are ever to be raised 
to a higher level, their customs and manners must be entirely 
changed; but this can only be effected by giving them such 
an education as will work a complete transformation in their 
characters. 

The Chinaman worships money, and is ready to sacrifice 
everything, even life itself, if by so doing he can add to his 
hoard. This has made him the laughing-stock of the world ; 
but if we look below the surface, we discover that this inordin- 
ate greed is but the natural outcome of his social surroundings 
and of his religious beliefs. The upper classes, seeing the 
utter corruption of their rulers, have lost all hope. They are 
disgusted with everything, and so try to find happiness by 
drowning themselves in wine and stufifing themselves with 
pork. The lower classes also, knowing as many of them do 
by sad experience the futility of depending on the Government 



L 



I 

I the 

I 



I 294 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

for either justice or protection, have with one accord come to 
regard money as the one and only thing they can really rely 
on. Thus all alike give themselves to money-making. 

The Chinaman in Formosa shares neither the social plea- 
sures nor the honours open to his friends in China. Only wine 
and women are left him. But he knows well that neither 
of these can be had without money. What wonder, then, 
that he does his utmost to make all he can, and becomes even 
more grasping than his relatives on the mainland ! 

In his book. From Far Formosa, Dr. Mackay tells how a 
certain Chinaman, who was dangerously hurt in an earthquake 
which wrecked his house, pointed, when dying, to the place 
where his money was hidden and appeared more troubled to 
lose his money than his life. I read this story before going to 
Formosa, and wondered much at the time whether it was 
really possible for any human being to become so covetous, 
but my investigations in the island convinced me that among 
the people there it was not only possible, but, alas, terribly 
common. 

The Formosan Chinaman has no higher ambition than to 
enjoy the mere animal pleasures of life. His sole thought is 
bow best to gratify these low appetites ; and no room is left in 
his mind for higher aspirations. If, therefore, you speak to him 
about his children's education, be at once asks, "How much 
extra will it enable them to earn ? " Without a satisfactory 
answer on this point, he is most unwilling to send his children 
to school. 

Unfortunately, the education given under the Chinese 
r^'me, consisting as it did in memorising meaningless and 
useless stones, did not help the people to secure Government 
positions at Peking, to gain higher degrees, to make a name 
for themselves, or even to better their social position, in feet 
it did not benefit them in any way. Thus they have never 
seen practical proof of the advantages of education. One day 
while I was in Formosa, I met a very clever man and said, 
"Are you a follower of the philosopher Choo He's school or 
do you hold with Wang Sheu Jan ? " ' He answered, " I do not 

Choo He and Wang Sheu Jan were Chinese philosophers. Choo He was 

the greatest Chinese scholai of his lime. He died a.d. i^oo. aged scvcniy-onc. 

lught that knovdug and doing are iwo different things, and said that thing! 




1 




r 



w 



EDUCATION— RELIGION— PHILANTHROPY 395 

know who Wang Sheu Jan was". A Chinese University 
graduate to whom on another occasion I put the same question, 
said, " I never heard of Wang Sheu Jati until some Japanese 
scholars told me of his wonderfiil learning and excellent WTit- 
ings". This little story shows what a slight knowledge of 
history they possess. Indeed, Formosa must in this respect 
be looked upon as a southern wilderness. If such astonishing 
ignorance be found among the most learned, no wonder that 
the common people are satisfied simply to send their children 
to the village teacher's house to be taught merely to read the 
books of Menctus and Confucius. 

It was under such conditions as these that the Government 
opened schools and began to teach the people the Japanese 
language, which they despised, and Japanese history, which 
they had no wish to learn. At first, as was perhaps natural, 
they misunderstood our motives and refused to send their 
children to school, thinking we taught them our language and 
gave them other instruction only in order that we might the 
more easily enslave them. But now that they have come to 
place more confidence in the Government, these suspicions 
seem to be gradually dying away. I went to see one or two 
schools in Taihoku, and the authorities told me that they found 
it very diflficult to educate the people there in the true sense of 
the word, though it was comparatively eaSy they said, to in- 
struct them in practical sciences, e.^., physics, chemistry, electri- 
city, medicine, etc. 

Immediately on the acquisition of Formosa, our authorities 
gave much thought to the subject of education, being anxious 
to educate the inhabitants in conformity with the policy which 
has been so often advocated as the best for developing a newly 
acquired territory — First educate the people. Our educational 
authorities, however, were confronted with a difficulty which 
they did not see how to avoid. Should they give the people 
a practical scientific education and thus enable them to better 

ate learnt in otdei lo be practised. Wang Sheu Jan, on the other hand, main- 
tained that Icnowing and dcnng arc both one and the same thing, any failure to 
put one's knowledge into practice being due solely to imperfect knowledge of 
the subject. He died a.d. 1518, aged fifty-seven. Choo He may, therefore, be 
naid to belong to the empirical school of ethics and Wang Sheu Jan lo the sub- 
jective school. 



L 



296 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



themselves, have more comfortable homes and make more 
money ; or should they give such an education as would as- 
similate them with us, Japanese? If the latter course be 
adopted, but little time or energy can be devoted to teaching 
the practical sciences, and the idea that education is simply 
a means of enabling a man to earn more must be banished 
from their minds. Owing to the difficulty of reconciling these 
two apparently conflicting aims, the educational position in 
Formosa may be said to be still in the experimental stage. 
The man who can find a satisfactory solution will confer a great 
benefit on the cause of education in the island. 

In 1896, when civil administration was introduced, the 
authorities at first adopted the assimilation idea. Government 
schools were opened in fifteen districts, vis. : Taihoku, Tamsui, 
Kelung, Shinchiku, Bioritsu, Taichu, Horisha, Rokko, Unrin. 
Kagi, Tainan, Hozan, Koshun, Taito and the Pescadores. 
In these, Japanese was made the principal study, and alt 
graduates were employed by the Government as interpreters 
or in some other position. 

In July, 189S, a complete change was effected. It was 
decided that the schools which had been established in Taito 
and Koshun should from that time be exclusively used for 
teaching Japanese to the savages. In these two districts there 
were in 1904 thirteen such schools, with 803 scholars altogether. 
The results of thus educating the savages have been very en- 
couraging ; many of the graduates have become auxiliary police 
and are rendering good service in assisting to pacify their more 
savage brothers. It was also resolved that in the other 
thirteen districts the Educational Bureau should from July, 
1898, only pay the teachers' travelling expenses and salaries, 
all the other expenses of the schools being borne by the people 
of the district ; and that schools should only be established 
where the people undertook to support them either by private 
contributions or by special grants from the local revenue. The 
Government also took charge of all the farms which had be- 
longed to the schools under the Chinese r<5gime, and decided 
that the income from these should be devoted to public educa- 
tion. 

The schools thus supported out of the local rates only 
numbered seventy-four in 1898, but in 1904 there were 153, 



EDUCATION— RELIGION-PHILANTHROPY 297 

including branches. In these, 242 Japanese, 335 men and 
seven women, and 378 natives, 349 men and 29 women, were 
employed, teaching 20,523 native boys and 2,655 native girls; 
168 Japanese children were also in attendance for the time, as 
no common schools were to be found in the districts where 
they were living. Common schools were also opened in 
Taihoku, Kelung, Giran. Toshien, Shinchiku, Bioritsu, Taichu, 
Shoka, Kagi, Tainan, Hozan, and in the Pescadores. These 
had each two courses, a higher and a lower, just like the 
common schools in Japan, They have seventy-three teachers 
and 2,552 pupils. Reduced fares on the railway are given to 
children attending school Some Chinese learned men also 
opened schools themselves and taught the reading of the 
Chinese classics. Such of these as are situated near the 
Common Schools are only allowed by the Government to re- 
ceive children who fail to enter the Public Schools. Neverthe- 
less there are still i,o8o of these Chinese Schools with a total 
of 21,661 scholars. Thus we see how hard it is to get rid of 
old habits of thought and change old customs. 

One Language School and one Normal School have also 
been opened. These are on a higher grade than the Public 
Schools. The Language School has a Normal Department 
where Japanese are trained to become teachers in the Public 
Schools ; a Language Department where adult natives are 
taught Japanese, so that they may become assistant officials ; 
a Railway and Scientific Department where telegraphy, 
engineering, and agriculture are taught, and a Middle School 
Department There is also a Special Department connected 
with the school where women are taught sewing, embroidery, 
knitting, and artificial flower-making ; and it is worthy of note 
that the results attained in this department have been on the 
whole very good. The Normal School is designed to train 
native teachers for the Public Schools, for the Chinese Schools, 
and also for private institutions. There is also a school at 
Hobe near Tamsui, founded by the Rev. William Gould, a 
Canadian Presbyterian missionary, and another at Tainan 
founded by the Rev. T. Barclay, a Scotch Presbyterian 
missionary. At Taihoku there is the Tomon School, also an 
Elementary Commercial School, and a school where instruction 
is given in matters relating to colonial administration. 



L 



I 



298 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

Among all our many undertakings in Formosa my opinion 
is that education is the most difficult ; but as the educational 
facilities become more and more widely extended and the 
people gain more confidence in the Government, these difH- 
culties seem to be largely disappearing. From now on I be- 
lieve that the authorities will gradually assume less and less 
responsibility, and leave the education principally in the hands 
of the teachers themselves. These teachers will require to 
exercise an extraordinary amount of patience, and they must 
not expect too much from the assimilation principle. One of 
them said to me one day : " I do not know whenever the time 
will come when we shall be able fully to carry out the assimi- 
lation idea ". My answer was : " We must have a great deal of 
patience. You have not been here more than nine years yet, 
and nine years are but as a moment in the life of a State. 
How is it possible in such a short time to change the charac- 
teristics of the natives whose minds have been moulded by the 
history of this island for the last three hundred years, and 
also by all that has happened in China during the past sixty 
or seventy centuries ? It is fully a hundred years since Eng- 
land gained possession of India, but the people of that country 
are not yet fully assimilated. Here in Formosa at least the 
same amount of patience is required as has been cxerdsed in 
India." Indeed, 1 am impressed with the necessity of patience 
being shown by every one who is engaged in the work of 
education in the island. 

I hope also that the authorities will elaborate some plan 
for educating the natives apart from the schools, by the publi- 
cation of suitable literature. Graduates from the Language 
Schools or from the other Public Schools have intellectual 
desires and longings which their text-books fail to satisfy, and 
which the reading matter provided by ordinary book-stores 
does not meet I am afraid, therefore, that these longings of 
the youth of Formosa will be disappointed unless the author- 
ities can sec their way to take advantage of the present oppor- 
tunity and provide plenty of good stimulating reading matter, 
in a style that can be easily understood. The condition of 
Formosa to-day corresponds very closely to that prevailing in 
Japan al the Restoration, and it is unnecessary for me to say 
how much the Japanese young men of that period owed to ^m 

L J 



EDUCATION— RELIGION— PHILANTHROPY 299 

the little books compiled by the late Mr. Fukuzawa, or to the 
works published about that time by our Educational Depart- 
ment. I believe, therefore, that the publication of popular 
scientific books, lives of great men, modem histories, inspiring 
and elevating stories, short statements of present-day politics, 
descriptions of Tokyo, etc, would all help to satisfy the wants 
of the native youth and would materially further the cause of 
education in Formosa. 

Religion. 

The religious condition of the Formosan Chinese has 
shown me how fearful religion is when the ethical element is 
lacking. All the religions which are recognised as truly great 
contain a large amount of moral teaching, but no such teach- 
ing is to be found in the bewildering tangle of corrupt super- 
stition which the Formosan Chinese call religion. According 
to their view, religion is a kind of superhuman power control- 
ling man's destinies and accompanying him both in this life 
and the next. This superhuman power will aid those who 
believe in and worship it, without stopping to inquire whether 
their conduct be good or evil. Man's conduct in this life is 
one thing, his happiness or unhappiness hereafter quite another ; 
and the one, they say, is in no way whatever dependent on 
the other. They also believe that this superhuman power 
does not rule over the whole universe, but that different gods 
na\. different spheres after the manner of the feudal lords in 
ancient times, each individual god having his own particular 
duties. It is obvious that such a religion can have no special 
moral claims. 

The statement which the late Dr. George L. Mackay, a 
Canadian Presbyterian missionary, makes in his book, From 
Far Formosa, about the religious life of the natives is perfectly 
true. He lived among them, wore their clothes and ate their 
food, labouring in the island for twenty-three years. He Is 
indeed a hero in the modem religious world. He writes: — 

" Religiously the Chinese in Formosa are related to the 
Chinese on the mainland, especially to those in the Fukien 
province. They are all idolaters. Transportation and separa- 
tion from the huge mass may, indeed, have had the effect of 



L 



300 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

loosening the bonds and making idolatry in Formosa less un-\ 
yielding in its hold and less hopelessly blinded in its outlook 
than it is in China. The incessant struggle for life in a new 
country may also have done something. At all events, 
would seem as though there were more laxity, more in- I 
differentism, among the masses of the people than may be i 
found on the mainland. 

" But the heathenism of Formosa is of the same kind and 
quality as the heathenism of China. It is the same poisonous 
mixture, the same dark, damning nightmare. The original 
element was Confucianism — a system of morality, with its 
worship of heaven, its deification of ancestors, and its ethical 
maxims. Centuries after, Tauism was added — a system of ] 
demonolatry, with its spirit superstition and wretched in- 
cantations. Then from India Buddhism was brought — a 
system of idolatry, with its shrines and smoking incense. 
These three systems existed side by side until the dividing 
walls began to crumble; and now the three are run together, 
a commingling of conflicting creeds, degrading the intellect, 
defiling life, and destroying all religious sentiment. In Western 
lands one hears much about Oriental religions, the beauties of 1 
Buddhism, and the like. One who knows is not deceived. 
These indiscriminating laudations are false and vain, the out- 
come of ignorance or the enchantment of distance. I know 
something of the delights of Buddhism, not as seen from the 
platform of a parliament of religions, but as Buddhism really 
is in its own country. For twenty-three years I have been 
in the midst of heathenism, brushing against its priests atid 
people ; and I know the poison of its sweets, the fatal flash of 
its light, and the stagnant fcetor of its Ufe." 

In a word, the Formosan religion is nothing but a mean- 
ingless tissue of superstition and devil worship. It is true, 
ancestral worship is retained, and the head of the family has 
supreme control over all the other members, but otherwise 
no trace of Confucianism remains. Taoist beliefs have been 
changed into a mass of myths and senseless stories, and all 
good religious principles have become corrupted. 

I have visited many shrines in different districts, and 
found them just like Buddhist temples, with incense and 
flowers arranged before the gods, and coolies, as I thought. 



EDUCATION— RELIGION— PHILANTHROPY 301 

standing waiting for the worshippers ; but I was afterwards 
much surprised to find that these men whom I took for cooties 
were really priests. When the worshippers come, the priest 
first of all prays for a blessing on them, and then taking bamboo 
sticks he shuffles them two or three times, praying the while 
for the worshippers. According as the sticks arrange them- 
selves, either with their planed surfaces uppermost, or with the 
wrong side which has the bark on uppermost, the prayer is 
accepted or rejected. If, however, only one stick shows the 
smooth surface, the prayer is granted. By some such means 
as this the people believe that they receive divine communica- 
tions, and have full confidence that these same bamboo sticks 
are able to foretell their destinies. The priests are despised 
by all, and are really the most dissolute class. They are 
classed with barbers, executioners and other outcasts, and, 
not being regarded as men, are shut out from society. What 
life can there be in a religion presided over by such men ? 

Whenever a young man or woman dies an unnatural death, 
the departed spirit is at once deified, and the people flock to 
worship the new deity. So new gods and buddhas spring up 
all over the country just like poisonous mushrooms. The 
latest of these new faiths is " Hiran Koitsu Kwai ". It origin- 
ated in the neighbourhood of Canton and was brought to the 
Pescadores about thirty years ago. The governor, fearing it 
would bewilder the people, issued an order prohibiting its in- 
troduction, but even this failed to stop its spread. It was 
introduced into Formosa in 1898 by a man called Shu-tsz, 
living at Jukirin in the Shinchiku district. He joined the new 
sect through the influence of a Chinaman from Canton, 
named Pang Ting-hwa. This Shu-tsz professed to have been 
delivered from the opium habit in answer to prayer. Regard- 
less of expense, he brought over numbers of priests from 
China who earnestly proclaimed the efficacy of the Koitsu 
ICwai. These doctrines have since been widely diffused, and 
uniting with the anti-Japanese spirit, gave rise to a political 
movement which the authorities found it necessary to suppress 
with all the forces at their command. This society has 
eighteen chief gods, Kwan-u, Kwannon Buddha, Tenjo, Seibo, 
Shokatsuryo, etc These gods, it is said, descend from heaven, 
write their oracles with a peach branch on the sand, and tell 



L 



f 



303 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

the fortunes of those who put feith in them. The society's 
houses of prayer are called " Lwan Tong " or " Ki Tong ", 
In short, this faith is a kind of eclectic worship of those gods 
and buddhas which enjoy the most popularity amongst the 
Chinese. 

According to Chinese belief, man has three spirits, one of 
which goes to the other world when his body dies, one stays in 
the grave, and the other remains in the house. It is the duty 
of the priest to console the spirit which has gone to the other 
world, but the work of consoling the other two spirits — the 
one in the grave and the one in the house — is considered to 
be the duty of the dead man's sons. Fully convinced that the 
spirits will starve to death just like an ordinary man unless 
they are provided with food and drink, the sons make wooden 
images of their departed parents and treat them just as they 
would if they were yet alive in the flesh. Thus, as in their 
lives their only thoi^ht is of themselves, so in their religion 
their family is everything, just as their sole reliance in this 
world is money, so their whole reliance for the world to come 
is in the ofl"erings which their children may make to their dis- 
embodied spirits. What they rely upon to carry them safely 
through the three stages — the Past, the Present, and the 
Future — is themselves and their own families alone. So, 
whatever religion they may profess, they cannot get rid of 
their desire for money, because even for their journey into the 
other world they believe they must depend on the money sent 
by their surviving children. 

To turn to Chri.stianity, that religion spread over the 
southern part of the island at the time of the Dutch occupation, 
and over the north during the Spanish occupation. Indeed, 
the whole island was at one time covered, but the work was 
mostly confined to the savages ; and, before the foundations 
were firmly laid, the foreign occupation being stopped, the 
missionaries were all expelled and Christianity was swept 
away, leaving no trace. 

In 1859 the Spanish Catholics in Manila sent saintly 
Father Sainz to Formosa. His attention was drawn to the 
cruel way in which the Forraosan Chinese treat their female 
children, often abandoning them altogether or even killing 
them outright. He and his fellow missionaries have done 



r 



EDUCATION— RELIGION— PH ILANTHROPY 303 

much to combat these bad practices, and have during the last 
twenty years rescued between six and seven thousand children. 
Their headquarters are at Takow. These missionaries only 
receive one hundred yen each a year and devote their whole 
lives to the work. We cannot but admire such devotion. 

In 1871 the Scotch Presbyterian Mission sent the Rev. 
William Campbell to Tainan, and in the following year the 
Rev. George L. Mackay reached Tamsui and commenced work 
there for the Canadian Presbyterian Church. The work of 
the.se two Churches proved highly successful under the direc- 
tion of two such strong and able missionaries, even the 
obstinate hearts of the natives opening to receive their in- 
structions, so that to-day grand churches and well-oi^anised 
schools may be seen as one outcome of their self-denying 
labours. Dr. Mackay in particular laboured assiduously, 
walking barefoot with the natives, eating their food, and even 
accompanying them at times into the savage districts. Such 
extraordinary earnestness and sincerity won its way to the 
hearts of the natives. Some subscribed generously towards 
the expenses of the Church ; others became evangelists, some 
women even becoming Christian workers. Thus in spite of 
frequent persecution from both the Chinese officials and the 
natives, and at the constant risk of their lives, these two 
missionaries have become a living force in Formosa. These 
two Churches are the only ones in the island which have a 
living faith. They now have 131 preachers, 24 Biblewomen, 
and 133 churches and preaching places. The total number of 
converts including Roman Catholics is 1 5,068. There are also 
196 Japanese who belong to Protestant Churches in Japan. 
In the Pescadores a self-supporting church may be seen. 

But in Formosa it still remains a question whether Chris- 
tianity will prove able to save the people from their excessive 
love for money. With regard to this, one of the leading 
missionaries says : " 1 believe that through my instrumentality 
many in this island have already been saved from sin, but the 
fact that they have not yet been delivered from their over- 
powering love of money is to me a constant source of 
sorrow ". 

1 here give the religious statistics made up to the year 
1904. Undesirable immoral religions outside Buddhism are of 



L 



304 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

course not included. It must also be borne in mind that 
many natives who profess to be Buddhists are also at the 
same time believers in the immoral religions. 

RELIGIOUS STATISTICS FOR tgo*. 



N.BW0fR<lll(loB. 


ChurchM. 


Pr«ehlB( 

PUct.. 


P«cl»n. 


J.pu«.. 




TouJ. 


ShintiMt . 
BaddtdM . 
ChrUtuui . 

ToUl 


6 

5 


9 
59 
>33 


47 
»3i 


966 
IM83 


4.086 
23,364 

'4.787 

41.137 


5,05* 
34.50'' 
15,068 

S4.6ao 


" 


«, 


1B9 



THB BUDDHISTS DIVIDED ACCORDING TO SECTS. 



NuMOrSKl. 


p™^ 


P,.^ 


Jl>i».. 


^rsrsi" 


Tout 


Shin . - , 




16 




9.496 










1,56s 




1.56s 










j,6a7 










..776 


10,891 


12.667 








675 






Shingon 






I.W7 




i.aa7 


Total . . 


59 


47 


11.^36 


=>3."64 


34.500 



PHILANTHROPY. 

Even under the Chinese regime numerous attempts were 
made, both privately and officially, to relieve the widows and 
orphans, as well as the other destitute people in the island. 
Many of these came to nothing, and others were but temporary 
measures, so that the following five institutions were the only 
ones still in existence at the time of our occupation, vis. : — 

1. A Charitable Home for widows, orphans, and other 
destitute persons, founded in 1684 by Cheng Bao-jen, a district 
governor. 

2, A Poor People's Home, opened in 1748 by Lo Shuchi 
and Fan Weh. two Imperial secretaries, who were much dis- 
tressed to see the miserable slate in which the poor of that 
time were hving. 



I 
I 



EDUCATION— RELIGION— PHILANTHROPY 305 

3. The Formosans frequently abandon their Temale children, 
a custom that is especially prevalent in the Tainan District, 
About the year 1850, a wealthy Chinese gentleman named Shi 
Su-long felt the burden of this so keenly that he not only gave 
$5,cxx) in silver, but also provided the necessary land and 
buildings, and established a Foundling Home, thus rescuing 
many of the discarded children. He also persuaded the 
Government to devote to the same object a portion of the 
Anping port dues ; but when he died, this noble work died 
with him. The institution was again opened several years 
afterwards by the Taotai Li Chao-tang, who granted it an 
annual subsidy of 8i,cxx). payable out of the duties charged 
on imported drugs. In 1882 another Taotai, Leu Gao-scu, 
stopped this allowance, substituting another of over $6,000 
out of the revenue from the taxes on weights and measures, 
and from the salt and silver taxes collected at the Main Tax 
Office. 

4. A bureau for relieving young widows of good conduct 
who are under thirty years of age. This was opened in 1874 
by Cheng Chao-pien, who visited the island as Imperial Com- 
missioner. Out of pity for the helpless young widows he saw 
on that tour, he contributed Ji.ooo towards their relief 

5. A society for providing free graves for those persons 
whose relatives are too poor to bury them themselves. 

As all the above charitable institutions have their own 
separate property, they have not been interfered with in any 
way by our authorities. 

In May, 1899, the Govern or- General established the Jin- 
saiin at Taihoku, and gave instructions that the assistance 
given .should be limited to those residing within the boundaries 
of the following six districts; Taihoku, Kelung, Giran, Shinko, 
Toshien and Shinchiku. This institution owns property in 
land and buildings to the value of 32,731 yen, saleable bonds 
worth 14,905 yen, and national bonds worth 24,146 yen. 
Fifty or sixty destitute people are always to be found under 
its sheltering roof. 

In October of the same year a Jikeiin was established at 
fianshorio, Ho2an and Tainan to help the people in the eight 
districts of Kagi, Ensuiko, Tainan, Banshorio, Hozan, Ako, 
Koshun and Taito. This institution has an endowment of 



L 



3o6 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



land and buildings worth 58.120 yen. saleable bonds worth 
8,078 yen. and national bonds worth 26,222 yen. There are 
always about sixty or seventy inmates. 

In April, 1900, a similar institution was opened in the 
Pescadores. This has an endowment of lands and buildings 
worth 6,918 yen, saleable bonds worth 222 yen. and national 
bonds worth 2,510 yen, and already over one hundred persons 
have applied for relief. 

In August, 1904, another institution of the same kind was 
established at Shoka to meet the needs of the people in the 
following five districts, Bioritsu, Taichu, Shoka, Nanto and 
Toroku. This institution possesses an endowment fund con- 
sisting of lands and buildings worth 16,111 yen, saleable 
bonds worth 17,614 yen, and national bonds worth 4,271 yen. 
There is also a home for foundlings at Kagi, and another at 
Bokio, but these are both private institutions. 

It will be seen from the above what provision has already 
l)een made for assisting the people ; still for the next fifty 
years or so our administration in Formosa must, it seems to 
me, be to a great extent fatherly, and look upon the relief of 
the helpless as one of its greatest responsibilities. 

Because the above institutions were inadequate to meet 
the needs of the unfortunate people, the authorities issued aa 
order in August, 1899. that all the subjects of the Emperor of 
Japan residing in Formosa, above sixty or under thirteen 
years of age, who had no friends or relatives to help them, 
those attacked by infectious diseases, those who were crippled 
or maimed, and also those who were dangerously ill, should 
be relieved from the local rates. This order is available only 
in individual cases, becoming ineffectual when a locality is 
visited with a general calamity. 

In December, 1899, therefore, regulations were issued pro- 
viding for the gradual accumulation of a General Relief Fund. 
These regulations require each district to lay aside annually 
during the next twenty years at least 5 per cent, of its ordin- 
ary revenue from taxes. At the time of writing this fimd 
already amounts to 955,985 yen, which should be sufficient 
to afford temporary relief in case of a general calamity. 

A branch of the Red Cross Society was established in 
1895, with a local secretary in Amoy, In 1904 the society 



( 



EDUCATION— RELIGION— PHILANTHROPY 307 

had 20,361 members. The Volunteer Nursing Association 
has 223 members, of whom over 22 are native women. More 
than no of these hold nurses' certificates. During the late 
war these women displayed great earnestness, nursing the 
sick and wounded, and holding charity bazaars, in these ways 
doing their best to help the country at that critical period. 



20 * 






310 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

the fashion of a miniature walled-in provindal capital, the 
central and the most important portion being, so to speak, the 
citadel. At the time when our Go\-ernmcnt obtained posses- 
sion of Formosa, there was much ground in the central part 
that was unbuilt on, being either under cultivation or else al- 
together unused. Indeed, the ground on which the Governor- 
General's Office and the other official residences are built is 
said to have been formerly paddy fields. But now the old 
wall has been demolished, the old features of the city swept 
away, and the stones and bricks have been used for building a 
prison and other edifices, which give the city quite a European 
aspect. 

Its sanitary conditions have been dwelt upon in another 
chapter. The regularly planned streets are wide and clean ; 
and living is quite comfortable. In these respects it is superior 
to all but perhaps six or seven of the best known cities in Japan. 

Clearly, a new Formosa has appeared. Java has been called 
" The Public Park of the World," but if Formosa continues to 
progress as she is now doing she will, it seems to me, 
" The Pleasure Garden of Japan " if not of the world. 



nues to ■ 
become ^1 

evousl V ^^ 



Woman's Rights. 

I had heard that the women of China were grievously 
oppressed, and I expected to find it the same in Formosa, but, 
after carefully investigating the facts, I have come to the con- 
clusion that the Formosan women enjoy more fVeedom in 
many respects than is allowed to their sisters in China. The 
relations between the sexes prevailing in England are con- 
siderably modified in the colonies, the colonial women com- 
manding more respect and the men becoming less masterful 
In the same way, the practical morality which governs the 
home in China is modified in some d^ree in Formosa, owing 
it may be to the fact that in point of numbers the Chinese men 
in the island greatly exceed the women. 

According to Confucius, there are seven grounds on whid) 
a man may divorce his wife. They are: disobedience, barren- 
ness, lewd conduct, jealousy, leprosy or any other foul and 
incurable disease, talking too much, and thievishness. Thes? 
seven reasons for divorce cause the greater part of the 



1 



COS. i u»^^^ 

he sufferin^^l 

J 



CUTTINGS FROM AUTHOR'S NOTE-BOOK 309 

of the presence on all four sides of the house of evei^reen 
shrubs resembling the ilex, except for saw-like spikes on both 
sides of the leaves. There were also low shrubs like azaleas, 
fresh and green as though trying to look their very best. Here 
and there, red flowers were to be seen growing out of the root 
of a certain plant, the leaves of which were so small as to be 
well-nigh invisible. 1 also caught sight of a tree very much 
like the rose mallow, with large red flowers rising boldly above 
the foliage, graceful and of majestic bearing, as if they and 
they alone were the acknowledged rulers over all other flowers. 
Queer trees and strange flowers indeed, on every one of which 
I wa.s constrained to gaze with wonder! We could see. walk- 
ing among the trees and flowers, barefooted natives, a loin-cloth 
their sole apparel, their copper-coloured skins plainly visible, 
carrying across their shoulders bamboo poles from each end of 
which hung several river fish. The whole scene reminded me of 
the pictures drawn in the period of Nanso' {A.D. 1141-1278). 

Taihoku, Past and Present. 

An hour's ride from Kelung brought me to Taihoku, the 
distance between these two ports being about the same as 
that between Tokyo and Yokohama. In spite of the fact 
that Taihoku was the last city in Formosa to be opened up, it 
was the seat of the Government when Liu Ming-chuan, the 
last Chinese Governor, was in office. The Govern or-General's 
Office is here, and it now is the real centre of political and 
social life. The city is situated on the Tamsui River in the 
plain of the same name. The central portion, which now 
contains the Government offices and also the official residences, 
used to be surrounded by a wall twelve feet high and ten feet 
thick, built of stone and red brick. It could be entered through 
the four gates, one on each side — north, south, east and west. 

The street, known as Daitone, runs north to the business 
quarter, where many English and American merchants reside. 
A street called Moko runs west for about two miles. It is on 
this street that most of the Chinese shops are to be found. 

The city, like many other Chinese ones, was built after 

'Toba Sojo lived during this period, and he and his disciples distinguisbed 
themBClves by painting comic pictuies. (Tiu 



I 



313 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

fill to her husband. In case of disobedience, the husband must 
divorce her, and he Is at liberty to sell her if her own father 
fail to redeem her- In case of unfaithfulness, if the husband 
does not act, the Chinese officials can take his place and sell 
her by auction to the highest bidder. In case the wife deserts 
her husband, the husband may sell her to any one he likes. 
The husband is also allowed to sell his wife on account of 
poverty. In this case, however, the wife's consent is required. 

Worse than this, the husband sometimes lives on the pro- 
ceeds of his wife's prostitution. This is called the " Half- 
closed Gate" {Imperfect Home). Again, the husband may be 
the principal consort, and by public agreement allow his wife 
to live with another man who supplies funds for the support 
of all three. This man, who in reality hires the woman, is 
called the "Guest Husband," and goes throi^h a kind of 
secondary marriage with her. 

These immoral practices are the result of considering 
wives simply as chattels, to be bought and sold at will. This 
idea appears to have originated in the fact that in arranging 
the marriage of a daughter the parents do not take her happi- 
ness into consideration, but only how much money they can 
obtain for her. ^^ 

When arranging a son's marriage, the first thing his parentiS 
do is to send some money to the girl's parents. This is the •• 
general custom in good families and is called " Buying the 
woman outright ". The lowest amount thus sent is sixty yen, 
but more often two or three hundred yen, and occasionally as 
much as eight or even nine hundred yen is paid. This is the 
legal method of marrying grown women, but sometimes the 
parents adopt another plan. They obtain a girl of eight or 
nine and bring her up as their son's wife, but even in this case 
they are obliged to pay for the girl. 

It is not surprising, therefore, that the husband, having 
purchased the girl's body with money just like any other piece 
of merchandise, should regard it as such, and consider himself 
free to resell it whenever it suits his purpose. 

It is noteworthy that most of the women in the Forraosan 
prisons are there for murder, or attempted murder, of their 
husbands, the crime being the outcome of adultery, or having 
been committed in a fit of mad re\'olt against a loveless a 



eless andjiL 



CUTTINGS FROM AUTHOR'S NOTE-BOOK 313 

hateful yoke. The ultimate cause of all these troubles is two- 
fold : the parents' all-absorbing love of money, and the fact 
that they have too much authority over their children. 

! asked several Formosan scholars and gentlemen whether 
in their country it was the custom for a man to keep con- 
cubines in addition to his lawful wife, and all answered in the 
negative, qualifying their statements by saying that such a 
practice was occasionally allowed, although seldom met with 
except among the higher officials. When, however, the For- 
mosan Civil Code was being drafted, the learned men, who 
were consulted, held that, unless the law punished concubines 
as well as the lawful wife in case of adultery, the home life 
would be seriously endangered. This suggests the fact that 
the keeping of concubines is very common. 

Yet in some respects their sexual morality is very strict 
In good families, I was told, it is the rule that those having 
the same family name even, however di.stant the relation may 
be, cannot intermarry. It is also the custom that those who 
have concubines should avoid adding to their number any 
woman who may chance to have the same family name as the 
man. 

They are also very particular to observe class distinctions, 
treating with contempt prostitutes, all servants, barbers, chiro- 
podists, butchers, those who make a living by assisting others 
to commit unmentionable crimes, executioners, funeral musi- 
cians, and actors. These are outcasts whom respectable people 
refuse to marry. This is very strange, and shows what a hold 
Chinese civilisation once had in the island. 

Ducks and Drakes. 
The Formosans are extremely fond of ducks, and so on 
country walk.s it is a common sight to see two or three 
hundred, sometimes even a thousand, of these creatures, all 
in charge of one boy, with a long pole with which he directs 
their course most skilfully. They have no special feeding 
grounds, but wander all over the countryside with perfect 
freedom, eating and drinking wherever they choose, and pay- 
ing no attention at all to boundary lines. No drakes, how- 
ever, are to be found in these flocks, because as drakes lay no 
^g5 they are all killed and eaten, 



I 

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314 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

Birds and Buffaloes. 

Most of the ploughing in Formosa is done by water 
buffaloes. These animals arc very strong and can endure a 
large amount of hard work, but as they are very dependent 
on water they soon weary and become quite unable to work 
unless water is frequently poured over their backs. They may 
be seen, on the outskirts of any of the larger towns, standing 
in tanks six or seven feet square, while the people swill them 
with water. It is pitiable to see such big strong creatures 
so cramped up and able to get so little water. It is only in 
recent years that they have been tamed, and their wild nature 
is not yet wholly eradicated. On coming into close contact 
with them, one is immediately conscious of an air of fierceness. 
Occasionally fifty or sixty of them will suddenly break loose 
in the open — a terrifying sight to the beholder. 

In the southern districts the buffalo is often to be seen 
with a little brown bird, shaped like a wagtail, perched on his 
back and the snowy heron following at his heels. The small 
brown bird is, I was told, a kind of crow. The buffalo wel- 
comes these birds because they devour the flies which are his 
constant torment. The herons follow him to secure the 
lampreys which are always to be found in the pools of water 
that collect wherever he has stepped. Seeing all this with 
the sun just beginning to set behind a background of bananas 
and pineapples which grew tt^ether in wild profusion, I longed 
to paint it and preserve such a lovely scene. 



The Pig Lover, 

Pigs are kept all over the island, the Formosans, like the 
Chinese, making pork their principal food. They love the 
little pigs to a degree which would astonish the dog lovers of 
other countries. In some villages men and pigs live together, 
the pigs receiving the food which is lefL If a little pig is 
struck accidentally, the villagers become very angry, more so 
perhaps than they would be if their own children were hurt. 
1 suspect, however, that this love for the pig is mainly love 
for the money they hope to make out of him. 



E 



CUTTINGS FROM AUTHOR'S NOTE-BOOK 315 

Methods of Conveyance by Land and Sea. 

The things which tourists find most interesting in Formosa 
are the bamboo rafts and peculiar sedan-chairs. The rafts are 
over eighteen feel long, about six feet wide, and one foot thick. 
They are made by lashing together a number of bamboos 
three or four inches thick. I tried them twice. The first 
occasion was when I crossed the Tamsui River on my trip in 
the south. On my way from Hozan to Toko, 1 again took 
one to go on board the steamer, which was anchored a mile 
or so from the shore. Each raft is built after the style of a 
platform, into the middle of which a square box-like arrange- 
ment has been partly sunk. Here the passengers sit laughing 
and talking, quite out of reach of the waves, which at times 
almost entirely submei^e the rest of the structure. We were 
surprised to hear that, when going with the tide, these rafts 
are perfectly safe. 

The sedan-chairs are similar to the ones used in Hong 
Kong. They are made of slender strips of bamboo and are 
each carried by two poles. As these poles are over ten feet 
long, they always bend when the chair is carried, so that the 
occupant naturally falls asleep, as children do when their 
cradles are rocked. While travelling from Hozan to Toko 
I rode in one, and though the day was exceedingly hot, the 
motion of the men as they walked caused a cool breeze to 
strike my face, making me feel very comfortable, and sending 
me off to sleep three times in the ten miles. These sedan- 
chairs are surely just the right kind of conveyance for sleepy 
Chinese officials. 

Athletics and CoLONtzATiON, 

I often admire the wisdom of those Englishmen who not 
only make it a rule while living in the tropics to go out towards 
evening, when the sun has lost its power, and take a walk, play 
tennis or some other game, but also rest on Sundays, com- 
pletely putting away their week-day cares. I expected to see 
something of the same kind among the Japanese colonists in 
Formosa, but to my regret they all seemed quite ignorant how 
to take their pleasures except by themselves. There is a race- 
course in Taihoku ; and also in front of Baron Goto's official 



L 



3i6 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



residence a fine recreation ground surrounded by a fence. 
Outside the fence is a regular bicycle track, much better than 
anything to be found in Tokyo, The Government bore part of 
the first cost of laying these out, but all now belong to the 
Athletic Society and can be used by members of that society. 
Each morning during my stay I looked out, but never saw 
more than six or seven horsemen, and but three or four on 
bicycles ; and the mornings I went bicycling a few miles into 
the country, I only met one or two pedestrians. In the smaller 
towns it is even worse. In answer to the question, "How do 
you spend your Sundays and other holidays ? " most Japanese 
replied, " Oh, we always stay at home drinking and playing 
games ", This was very disheartening. 

It is a well-known fact that in the tropics plenty of outdoor 
exercise is an essential condition of health. In spite of this, our 
Japanese brothers live in Formosa just as they might in more 
temperate or even in Polar regions, spending their leisure hours 
in idleness and drinking. Such criminal disregard of Nature's 
laws will bring its own penalty — a feeling of Icissitude and 
general good-for-nothingness, quickly followed by loss of spirit 
and mental vigour. I am afraid, if these habits are persisted 
in, we, Japanese, will in three generations be driven to the wall 
before the native Formosans. These bad habits are largely due 
to defects in our Japanese educational system. Everybody 
talks about industrial education, but I would like to emphasise 
the need for colonial education ; and by colonial education, I 
mean such an education as will fit our sons and daughters to 
become successful colonists. I spoke of this to a gentleman I 
met in Taihoku, and he replied : " Athletics have, as you say, 
not taken hold here, but during the last three or four years 
there has been a decided improvement, and now there is a 
growing tendency to go in for tennis, riding, fencing, etc" If 
this be true, it is indeed cause for rejoicing. 

Centres of Social Enjoyment. 

The hotel accommodation in Formosa was the one thing I 
found uncomfortable. In saying this, I do not overlook the 
existence of fine Japanese hotels in Taihoku and Tainan, but in 
tropical countries buildings in Western style are more appropri- 



I 



I 



i 






r 



CUTTINGS FROM AUTHOR'S NOTE-BOOK 317 

ate, and the Western way of living is also much more conducive 
to health and comfort. This being so, it is to be regretted that 
there are as yet no European hotels in Formosa. 

It is not enough for a hotel simply to provide accommoda- 
tion for the night It should furnish means of recreation as 
well. Above all, colonial hotels should be centres of social 
enjoyment where visitors from other lands may find every 
comfort and convenience. Hong Kong, for instance, would be 
unattractive indeed without the Peak and Edward Hotels. It 
has been well said that those who establish colonies should, to 
insure success, first make parks and build music halls. These 
are the words of one well acquainted with human nature. 

When France set out to colonize Indo-China, she felt the 
want of a hotel, and the French Government built one in 
Hanoi, the Hotel Metropole. Not only is this hotel an orna- 
ment to the city, but the excellent accommodation it affords 
and the moderate charges attract large numbers of tourists to 
the colony. I most earnestly hope that first-class hotels may 
soon be opened by the Government in Tainan, Taichu and 
Taihoku to provide proper accommodation for visitors and, at 
the same time, be social centres where the residents may meet 
and enjoy themselves. 

Chinese Houses have their Good Points. 
We, Japanese, usually look down on the Chinese and despise 
them on account of their dirty habits, but in the Chinese 
houses which I saw in Formosa, I was surprised to find the 
floors raised more than four feet from the ground, fully two 
feet higher than in Japanese private residences and official 
buildings. This is done for sanitary reasons, and was doubtless 
the plan adopted by the ancestors of the present occupants 
long ago when they lived in the low-lying damp countries of 
the south. Similar raised floors were to be seen 800 years ago 
in the houses of Japanese nobles, and they can still be found in 
many Japanese shrines. This suggests that our ancestors came 
from the neighbourhood of Singapore. At first they doubtless 
built their dwellings, as they had always been accustomed to 
do, with floors raised high above the ground, but, in the course 
of centuries, as the pestilential vapours arising from the ground 



L 



318 



JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 



disappeared, they gradually began to introduce the low floors 
which we see in Japan to-day. It is most regrettable that the 
same system was adopted by Japanese builders in Formosa. 
With such low floors, ventilation is impossible; the miasmatic 
vapours arising from tlie ground penetrate the mats and cany 
the germs of malaria and other diseases through the house. It 
is to be hoped the Japanese settlers in the island will see the 
wisdom of returning to the ancient and more hj^ienic custom 
of our Malay ancestors. 



Family Arrangements. 

People say that the Chinese are like Jews in their love for 
money, but in my opinion the resemblance does not stop there. 
They also treat their relatives and those bearing the same 
family name with a large amount of respect ; and again, the 
Chinese, as well as the Jews, make the family the unit in their 
social system. 

From old times the Formosan Chinese have rigidly ob- 
served the rule, that the descendants of the same progenitor 
should all live together and follow the same occupation. In 
some cases this has been the custom for many generations, so 
that families, each consisting of fifty or even a hundred mem- 
bers, are occasionally met with. 

In such a case the house will have many rooms, so that 
each branch of the family may eat and sleep by themselves 
and business relationships be more easily kept distinct. On 
visiting such a house one sees, after entering the gate, a regular 
succession of rooms on either side. These are allotted to the 
children according to their ages. In one room will live with 
their attendants five or six who are most nearly related. Thus 
this room may be said to correspond to one of our Japanese 
houses. 

Moreover, their views in regard to ancestral worship give 
rise to one custom which strikes a stranger as being very curi- 
ous. According to Chinese law, a man is allowed to have 
only one wife, and Formosan custom says the same, but in 
certain cases an exception is made. For instance, a married 
man may, by mutual agreement, take as a concubine the wife 
of a childless man occupying the same house, and thus raise 



r 



CUTTINGS FROM AUTHOR'S NOTE-BOOK 319 

up chitdreo to the woman's lawful husband, in order that a son 
may be born who shall perform the ancestral worship after his 
parents' death. Now, although the first is the lawful wife and 
the second is regarded as a concubine, still we may say that 
the man has really two wives. 



Formosa not an Eldorado. 

Many Japanese who go to Formosa go there with their 
minds full of wild dreams and plans for becoming suddenly 
rich ; but sooner or later they have a rude awakening, and 
either appeal to their countrymen for help, or leave by stealth 
at the first opportunity. After reaching Japan, they, in ninety- 
nine cases out of a hundred, spread false reports about the is- 
land. I hope, therefore, that the Government will establish a 
sub-office in Tokyo, and take up the same work as is attended 
to by the Labour Reporting Bureaux in England ; issue monthly 
reports as to the class of labourers required in the different dis- 
tricts, and be in fact a kind of high-class registry office. 

In this way Formosa would escape being overrun by unde- 
sirables as at present, and would also secure from Japan the 
valuable services of many suitable persons who are longing to 
better themselves, but cannot do so in the homeland. Thus 
both countries would be benefited — Formosa would obtain 
the help she requires, and Japan's young sons would seize 
gladly the opportunity of so materially improving their pros- 
pects. 

This thought came to me while travelling through the is- 
land, and since my return I have increasingly seen the need 
there is for some such provision. 




I 



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Adams, H, Description of Fifteen New Species of Land and Fresh- 
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Alcock, R. Remarks after the Reading of H. J. Allen's Paper. 
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Alphabet des Gesamralen Erdkreises aus der K, K. Hof- und Staats- 
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Allen, H. J. Report of Trade at Tamsui and Kdung for 1873. 
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Report of Trade at Tamsui and Kelung for 1874. China, No. 

5. 1875- 

Notes of a Journey through Formosa from Tamsui toTaiwanfil. 

Proceed. Roy. Geogr. Soc, vol. xxi. London, 1866. 

Allain, R. L'lf; Formose. Revue de G^ogr. de Paris, vol. vi., 

1885. Pp. 44-50- 
Amiot, P. Sur le submersion de Tile Fotmose. Mem, Cone. 

I'Histoire de Chine, vol. X. Paris, 1776-1818. 
Anderson, Capt. L. A Cruise in an Opium Clipper. London, 

iSgr. 
Anson, — , A Voyage round the World. 1748. 
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189a. 
AsTLKV, J. New General Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. 

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Nicholson, vol. viii. London, 189J. 
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21 331 



322 , JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

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On a few Species of Helenopsis from Formosst. Joam. Bat, 

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Bkazklkv, M. Notes of an Overland Journey through the Southern 
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BEttCHEr's Narrative, by Captain. 1851. 

Bechtinuer's Het Eiland Formosa. 1S71. 

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Benyowskv, M. a., Count. Memoirs and Travels in Siberia, Kamt- 
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Die Insel Formosa. Zeit. f. Allg. Erdk.. bd. viii., 1859. 

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w 

I Brazi: 



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Bridge, C. An Excursion in Formosa, Fortnightly Review, vol. 

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Knippinc, E. Zur Strbmungsgrenze im Norden von Formosa. 

Mitt, der Deutschen Ges. Tokio, heft 5, 1S74. Pp. 37-38. 
Knoblauch, F. E. Einige Notizien uber Formosa. Mitt. Deut. 

Ges. Tokio. heft 8, 1875. Pp. 35-37. 
KopscH, H. Notes on iho Rivers of North Formosa. Proceed. 

Roy. Geogr. Soc, vol. xiv., 1870. Pp. 73-83. 

Common Origin of the Formosans and Malays. Notes and 

Queries in China and Japan, vol. vi. Pp. i-aa. 

Koto, Prof. B. Notes on the Geology of the Dependent Isles of 
Taiwan. Jour. Coll. Sci. Imp. Univer., vol. xiii. Part i. With 
4 plates. 1899. (Maruzen-Kabushilci-Kaisha.) 

Krausse, a. The Far East. Its History, its Question. With Maps. 
London, 1902. 

Krucer, F, H. Missions in Formosa, Missions Evangeliques. Paris, 
1895. Pp. 3'7-»7- 

KuRZE, G. Missiiinar G. Ede's Reise durch das oscliche Formosa. 
Mith. Geogr. Ges. Thiiringenau Jena, bd.xi., 1892, Seiten 13-21. 

Labadie-Lagrave, G. Le Japonais i Formose. Travels Ic Monde, 
vol. vi., 1900. Pp. 334-45. 

Lacoi/perie, T. de. Formosa. Notes on MSS., Language and Races- 
London : David Nutt. 188S. Reprinted from Jour. Roy. Asiat. 
Soc. 

Letters on Native Writing in Formosa. Academy, April, 1887. 

Lang, Dr. J. Report of the Mission Hospital and Dispensary, 

Taiwanfoo, Formosa, in connection with the Presbyterian Church 
of England for 1886. Taiwanfoo, 1887. 
Lebour, G. a. Notes on some Fossils from North Formosa, col- 
lected by Mr. David Tyzace. Trans. North England Insiit. 
Min. Engineers, vol. xxxiv, Newcastle, 1885. 

Le Nord de Formosa et ses Mines de Charbons. Ann. 

d'Extreme Orient, vol. vii., 1884. Pp. a35-33. 

Le Gendre, C. W. Report on Amoy and the Island of Formosa. 
Washington, iSgi. 



Obeklaender, R. Formosa. Der Welthandel, 1869. Pp. 537. 

OciLBV. Alias Cbinensis. Being a Second Part of a Relation of 
Remarkable Passages in Two Embassies from the East India 
Company of the United Provinces to the Viceroy Singlamong, 
and General Taising Lipovi, and to Konchi, Emperor of China 
and the East Tartary. With a Relation of the Netherlandcrs 
assisting the Tartar against Koxmga and the Chinese Fleet who 
till then were Master of the Sea. , . . Collected out of their 
several Writings and Journals, by Arnoldus Montanus. Englished 
and Adorn 'd with above a Hundred Several Sculptures. By 
John Ogilby, Esq. London, 1671. Folio. 

Ost-Indische Diensl oder kurze Reise-B esc hrei bung von Ja*l, 
Ceylon, Banks, Ampoina, Formosa und China, darin deien 
Landern Zusland, Sitten u. s, w. 1712. Small Svo. 

Ost-Indische Paraeljen Voorgevallen in Batavia tusschen ^^ 
Nederlanders, den eenen een Koopman. 1663. 

Panckow, V. H. Die Bevolkerung Formosa. 1895. 

Pauli, G. Was ich auf Formosa sah und htirte. Mitthl. d. geogr. 
Ges. in Liibeck, hft. 1/3. 1883. P. S7- 

PerkiN, N. Report on Formosa. London, 1896. 

Perrv, M. C. Narrative of the American Expedition of an American 
Squadron to the China Sea and Japan. Performed in the Years 
185*, 1853 and 1854, by order of the Government of the 
United States. Compiled from the Original Notes and Journals 
of Commodore Perry and his Officers at his Request and 
under his Supervision by Francis L. Hawks. 3 vols. Washing- 
ton, 1856. With Numerous Coloured Plates, Maps and Illus- 
trations. 

Pfeiffer, Dr. L. Descriptionof Thirteen New Species of Landshells 
from Forniosa. Collected by Consul Swtnhow. Proceed. Zool. 
Soc., 186s- Pp. 828-41. 

Phillips, G. Dutch Trade in Formosa in 1619. Shanghai. 

The Life of Koxinga. China Review, vol. xrii.. 1885. Pp. 

67-74. 107-13. 

Notes on the Dutch Occupation of Fonnosa. China Review, 

vol. X., 1882. Pp. 123-28. 

Pickering, W, A. Pioneering in Formosa. Being Recollections of 
Adventures among Mandarins. Wreckers and Head-hunting 
Savages. With 15 Illustrations from Photographs and Sketches 
by Author. London ; Hurst Blackett. 1826. 

Among the Savages of Central Formosa, 1766-67. {Messenger 

of Presbyt. Church of England. i888.) 



w 

I Medi 



BIBLIOGRAPHY OF FORMOSA 



335 



Medhurst, Rev. W. H. See Happart. 

Mkncarini, Dr. Juan. Formosa. Aupuntes un estudie. Bol. Soc. 

Geogr. de Madrid, vol. xxxviii., 1896. Pp. 110-77. 
MiURA, K., and K. Nakanishf. Die erworbene Fussanomalis. 

Mitt. a. d. Med. Fac. d. K. Jap. Univ. z. Tokyo, bd. iv.. No. a. 
MoGLLENDORFF, P. G. Manual of Chinese Bibliography. Shanghai: 

Kelly and Walsh, 1876. 
MoNNtER, Dr. F. Le. Die Insel Formosa. Deutsche Rundschau, 

bd, vii.. 1885, Pp. 79-103, 2IO-2!. 

Eine vergessene hollandische Colonic (Formosa). Revue 

colon. Internationale, 1885. P. 345. 

MoNTANUS, A. Alias Chinensis. . . . See Ogilby. 

MowTMORAND, B. DE. Soufces thermalcs dans I'tle Formose. Bull. 

Soc. G^ogr. de Paris, 1865. Pp. 135-46, 303-205. 
Morrison, G. J. A Description of the Island of Formosa. Geogr. 

Magazine, 1877. Pp. a6o-66, 393-96, 3I9-22. 
Mountain Dwellers of Formosa. Herr Schumacher's Account of. 

Geog. Journal, vol. xiii., 1899. Pp. 68-69. 
Mutiny on board American Ship Rahrt Browne. iSja. British. 
Myers, W. W. Notes on the Aborigines of South Formosa. Chinese 

Imperial Maritime Customs, 1887. Pp. 39. 

The Japanese in Formosa. North China Herald, 1899. Pp. 

833-34. 

Nautical Magazine, 1868. P. 504. Formosa and Coast of it. 

Newton, R. B., and R. Holland. Notes on Microscopic Sections 
of Limestone from Formosa. Collected by Dr. Koto of Japan. 
Journ. Geo!. Soc, vol. vii. Tokyo, 1900. 

Nkurdenburg, J. C. ZaI het Zendingwerk onzen Yadern op 
Formosa eerlang door Nederlanders worden Wat ? Rotterdam, 
1889. 

N^EUHOFF, J. An Embassy for the East India Company of the 
United Provinces to the Grand Tartar Cham, Emperor of China. 
London, 1673. 

NitwHOFF, J. L'ambassade de la Compagnie Orienlale des Pro- 
vinces Univers I'Empereur de la China, with Numerous Copper- 
plates. Legde, 1665. 

Gezantsshap der Nederl. Oost-Ind. Comp. aan de Grooteo 

Tartarischen Cham, den tegenwood, Keizer van China . . . 
bescherijving der steden, regering, godspient, Voortbrengselen, 
enz. Amsterdam, 1665. Met 150 Karten en Planten. 

NiuiER, Dr. H. Histoire chirurgicale de la guerre en Tonkin et a 
Formose. Paris: G. Masson, i888. 




340 JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

SwiNHOE, R. On a New Species of Beech-Marion (Maries Chiy- 
sapnia) from Formosa. Ann. of Nat. Hist., vol. xviii., 1868. 
P. 186. 

Notes on the Island of Formosa, 1864. 

On a New Rat from Formosa. Proceed. Zool. Soc. of 

London, 1S64. P. 185. 

~- The Ornithology of Formosa or Taiwan. Journ. North China 

Branch of Roy, Asiat, Soc, vol. v. Part 1, pp. itjS-ajS ; Part 3, 
pp. 250-311 ; Part 3, pp. 377-435. 

Descriptions of Four Species (New) of Formosan Birds, with 

Further Notes on the Ornithology of the Island. Joum. of 
North China Branch, Roy. Asiat. Soc., vol. vi. Pp. 361-370, 
1864. 

New-Show. Birds -ind Beasts (of Formosa) from the iStli 

Chapter of Revised Edition of the Tai-wan-fooche, Statistics 
of Taiwan. Journ. North China Branch, Roy. Asiai. Soc. 

p. 39. 

Taintor, E, The Aborigines of Formosa. Journ. North China 

Branch, Roy. Asiat. Soc, vol. x. Pp. S3"88. 
Tavldr, G. Savage Priestesses in Formosa, China Review, vol. 

xiv. Pp. 14-16. 
A Ramble Through Southern Formosa. Shanghai ; CA/na 

Maii Office. 

Folklore of Aboriginal Formosa. Folklore Jour., 1887. Pp. 

139-S3- 

Formosa. Characteristic Traits of the Island and its Aboriginal 

Inhabitants. Proceed. Roy. Geogr. Soc, 1889. Pp. 134-39, Ot 
printed separately. 

Thevemot, M. Relations de divers voyages curieux, qui n'ont 
point publi^es, ou qui ont traduites des Voyageurs Anglais, 
Hallandats, Portugais, Allemands, Esp^nols, Persans, Arahes, 
et autres Orientaux, enriche des figures de planles. d'animaux, 
el de cartes geographiques. 4 paitie en a vol. Folio. Paris, 
1696. 

Thikion, Commandant. L'Expedition de Formose. Paris: H. C. 
Lavanzele, 1888. 

Tmomsen's Reise auf Formosa, Globus, bd. xxix., 1876. P. 305. 

Thomson, J. Notes of a Journey in Southern Formosa. Jour. Roy. 
Geog. Soc, vol. xhii., 1873, Pp. 97-107. 

The Straits of Malacca, Indo-China and China. London, 1875. 

P. 544- Comparative Tables of the I.anguage of Formosa, the 
Philippines Language, New Zealand, etc. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY OF FORMOSA 



34' 



Tourmafound. Les iles d'Hai-nan, de Formose et de Chussan. 
L'Expedilion, vol. xvii., 1884. P. 137. 

Tregkar, E. Dictionary of Maori- Polynesian Language. Welling- 
ton: Lyon, 1891. 

Tyzack. D. Notes on the Coal Fields and Coal Mining Operations 
in North Formosa. Trans. North England Inst. Min. Engineers, 
vol. jotxiv. Newcastle, 1885. Pp. 67-77, 

UvEDA, Y, Ueber den •' Benikkoji-pilz" aus Formosa. T. B. M., 
1902. Pp. 7-9. 

Valentvn, F, Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien, Vervattende een 
Naaukeurige en Vitvoerige verhandelelinge van Nederlands 
Mogenlhy d'in de Gewesten, de newens eene wydluftige Besch- 
ryvinge der Moluccos, Amboina, Banda, Timor, en Solor, Java 
en alle de Eylanden onder dezelve Landbestiering en behoorende 
het Nederlands Comptoir ap Suratte ende Levens der Groote 
Mogals als ook een Keurlyke verhandeling van 't wezentlipkte 
dat men behoort te weiern van Chorotnandel, Pegu. Arracan 
Bengale, Mocha, Persien, Malacca, Sumatra, Ceylon, Malabar, 
Celebes of Macassar, China, Japan, Tayouan of Formosa, 
Tonkin, Cambodia, Siam, Borneo, Bali, KaapderGeede Hoope, 
en van Mauritius. Tezamen dos behelzende niet alleen eene 
zeer nelte Beschryving van alles, wat Nederlands Oot-Isndien 
betreft, maar oop 't voornaamste dat eenigzins tot eenige andere 
Europeers in d^e Gewesler betrekking heeft. With Maps, 
Numerous Copper Plates and Illustrations. 8 vols. Folio. 
Dordrecht, 1734-26. 

Van Rechteren, S. Journal Gehouden ap de reyse ende weder- 
komste van Oost-Indien foor Seyger van Rechteren Voor desen 
Krankbesoecker in der Vooigenoemde Landen ende un 
Geweldige Generael van de Landen van Overyssel. 1639. 

Verwaerloosde Formosa. See Formosa. 

ViELLARD, P. Une Description inedite de Formose. Revue de 
G^ogr.p vols, xiv., xvi., 1885, Pp, 390-301. 

Visit to Formosa. United States Service Magazine, vol. ii., 1884. 
P. 646. 

Vlis, C. J. Vander. Woord-bock der Favorlangsche tail. Batavia, 
1743. 

Ue Villard. R. a Map of Formosa. Scale i : 700,000 or 1 1 stat. 
miles to an inch. Drawn for the Imperial Chinese Government. 
Shanghai, 1894. 

Voyage of H.M.S. A/oesU, by Mao Leod, 559 pages, Illustralions, 
Maps, including Map showing Formosa divided into two Islands. 
819. 



I, Voyagt 




JAPANESE RULE IN FORMOSA 

Wallace, A. R. Island Life, or the Phenomena and Causes of 
Insular Faunas and Flora, including a Revision and AltemjMed 
, of the Problem of Geological Cliraaies. London ; 
Macmillan & Co., 1880. 

The Same. Popular Edition. London, 1902, 

Warburg, Dr. O. Ueber seine Reisen in Formoia. Verhand 

Ges. f. Erd. iu Berlin, vol. xvi., 1889. Pp. 384-77. 
Wawn, J. T. Report of the Trade of North Formosa for 1900. 
White, F. W. A Brief Account of the Wild Aborigines of Fonno&a. 

Trans. Ethnolog. Soc. of London, vol. vii. Pp. 165-66. 
WiLDEN, bei den auf Formosa. Globus, xxvi,, 1874- P- »53. 

si's Middle Kingdom, a vols. 
WiRTH, Dr. A. Geschichte Formosa's bis Anfang, 1898. 

Verlag von CatI Georgi, i8g8. 

Die eingebornen Stamme auf Formosa und den Liu-Kiu. 

Petermann's Mitt., bd. xliv., 1898. Pp. 33-36. 

Wratzke, O. In fraruOs. Sold. Erinnerungen a. d, Legionarsleben 

in Algerien, Formosa, Tonkin. Berlin, 1897. ' 

Yahavoshi, M. a Comparative List of the Chinese and English 

Names of Formosan and Pescadore Islands. Tokyo, 1895. 

I amo. ! 

Yamasaki, Dr. N. Unsere geographischen Kenntnise von dcr Insel 

Taiwan. Petermann's Mitt., 1900. Seiten 121-34. Mil Kane. 

Eio Besuch in den Kapijagerdorfen auf Formosa. Mith. d. 

Anihrop. Ges. in Wien, bd. xxxi., 1901. Pp. >3-38. 

Zeitschrift dot Gesellscbaft fiir Erdkunde zu Berlin, die Hiifen auf 
der Westltdste Formosa's. 1871. Pp. 384-88. 



^ Patirrostcr Row, London. Nc 



II 




a Classifieb dataloGue 

OF WORKS IN 

GENERAL LITERATURE 

PUBLISHED BY 

LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO. 
39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON, E.G. 

93 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK, and 8 HORNBY ROAD, BOMBAY 



CONTENTS. 



BADMINTON LIBRARY fTHE)- 
BIOGRAPHY. PERSONAL M 

MOIRS 

CHILDREN'S BOOKS 
CLASSICAL LITERATURE, TRANS- 
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COOKERY, DOMESTIC MANAGE- 

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EVOLUTION, ANTHROPOLOGY. St. 
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POLITICAL MEMOIRS - 
LANGUAGE, HISTORY AND 

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LOGIC. RHETORIC, PSYCHOLOGY- 
MENTAL. MORAL, AND POLITICAL 
PHILOSOPHY 



MISCELLANEOUS AND CRITICAL 

WORKS .... 
POETRY AND THE DRAMA 
POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ECO- 

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POPULAR SCIENCE ■ 
RELIGION. THE SCIENCE OF 
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SPORT AND PASTIME . 
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SERIES ..... 
TRAVEL AND ADVENTURE. THE 

COLONIES .... 
WAMPUM LUSRAKY fTHE) OF 

AMERICAN LITERATURE - 
WORKS OF REFERENCE- 



INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITORS. 

p^f I 

lyne (F.J.I - 4. 38 Cilchun ([£.) . 

; [U. R.( ■ - 1 Crom (A. LJ - 

Hone.{SlrE,) ]6 Crorlet IJ . B.) - 

i(C.L.) - - ]G CuKctll.E.) - - 

iwUMonliri) s CullKlUv. 6. L.) ■ 

ibeU <Rsv. Cawii) Di>I«(L-) - - - 



Abbott (Snlynl 






i 


Acton (BUb) - 


KW— ,■ 
































D ^ 








T3 






!Sga,.,i 


i 


!t>Ss;M, 




liliffi'.,: 


.,:,! 


i 






















iS-SV,: 


i 



BucDDmfield (Eul 
Beardilty (A.) - 
BeautOillDakc of) 
Becker IW. A.) 
BcHly (A. H.| ■ 
Bell lUdyl ■ 



BIdierdyke [}.\ 
BtaclibuRielJ.II.) 
BUpd(M».Buba 
Boiu (Rev. C. W 
BOBJdei (¥.ev. B.| 
Boonell (H. H.) 

Bowed (W. E.) 
BriHcy (LJdy) 

(Lord) . 

BtiehKRev.J.P.}. 
BroidfoDl <Hii« V, 
Brooln (H. J.) ■ 
Bfough ) - 
Browo ()C. F-1 - 

Bro.^M(j,rfB.l 

— (HO - - 
Brgce(S.I.; - 



"■-•a 



Cu\jU (T.) 
C««tly <G 

CblpBUD |! 

ChlahoL (I 



?^^^l 



CoBio[[Hin(John) - g 

Con^cfK (FT) - - 2 
CoorbunlRev.W.J.) 

|1 1 dl HOWKII (Dbw) 3 

14 ' Coalld« (W. A. B.| 1 
3 CcxbeilUal^uiS.I - 

II CouttXW.) - ■ 

1 Coi (Kudioe) I 

J CnVe (Rev. A, D.) - 3 

|i I CreigbloD (Blihop) 3. ], 1 



I - ■ (* Diaitlib (U. G.. 
J.) - V Dtvidwo (A. U. C.| 

G.) ■ 3 (W.Li - 

.C) - JO D*Tlea II. P.) ■ 
y-PmoeU Dent (C. T.) - 

- - 14 (P.O.) - 

:.) - i9 DeS>]i((Mn.) 
<ii>iodS.)S.>6 Dctu(C.5.) ■ 

- - II Dewey(D. R.). 

R. P.) - 30 DlcUnMD (W. H.) . 
■.A.) - II DoiipiU(L.l - 
ti) ■ »,3i DowdcnlE.) - 
W.J.)- 13 Doyle (Sit A. Cotum 
. R.( - 11 Di; Bell (W. E, B 1 
|.} ;G , Dunbir (AMii) 

- (M«yF.)- 

El«Md (G. S.) 
ElEiDd(L<>uJg)- 
EUli (I. H.) - 

(ft. L.) . 

Entrnm - 
E«,«> (I. M.} . 
EV.DS (Sit Jobnl 
Palkiner (C. L.) 
Futit IF. W.) - 
Fisb (C. R.I - 
Flte (W.| ■ 



INDEX OF 

FiliHTFJtram (Sii F.I ?8 ! 



Gaihorne-Haid/ (Hoa. 

A. E.) - - 

GH.rd it.) ■ - II 

Gibaonft^.H.)- - IS 
GiUcH {X.M.I- -17,5a 

Gkl( (Rev. d. R.) . 9 

GDre-BDOtli (&.) ■ 14 

GnUnm (A.) - • < 

— IP. A.) - - .( 

(G. P.) - ti 

Gnnby (Muqucuon 11! 

Oruil ISlr A.I - - 1« 

Qm™. (R. p.) . . 10 

(A. P.I - - 34 

Gieta (T. H<U} - 18, ig 

GntDclE.D.I- ] 

GrevlIlE <C. C. F,) - j 



AUTHORS AND EDITORS— coftfinuerf. 



I I MOQUCUE (F, C.) 



■' Sooliby (Lui:» H.) 



Grove (Liidyl ■ • 11 
(Ml*. LlUy) - 14 

BnnihilKI.) ■ - iS 

GwilUl.)- - . 30 
HicEird <M. Rider) 

H>ll(weU-Pblllll^>a.J i> 

HiailltoD tCo].n. B.I g 

Kunlln (A. D. F.) - jS 

Hardini (S, B.l J 



HuIclBtcl) - ' 17 
rtirliDglJ.K.). . i« 
HulwiliTG.I - 31 

Huvty-Bi9ok*(E,C.) 38 
HimAiA.I - - 8 
Milcb (£.. CI . - ), 9 
Hivdl (K. B.) - - II 
Hiw^lK. R.| 10,36 

KiwtrEy(M[i.H.C.I 4 
Hiyu(M. K.)- fi, 



(Llcul 



Hendenan 



Htaryiv/.) - - ij 

Huxy (G.A.I - - }■ 

HibberKW.) - - iS 

Hif^iIMn.N.) ■ 10 

Hair (R. W.) - - la 

HllKD.i.) - - s 

(S.fcj - - 4 

Hflliu (O. Liey) - i] 

Hlfae(H. W.t.l - 9 
HadnDBlShidttonli) 10,18 

Hoflmano (J | ■ ■ 11, jE 

H»ul].F.) ■ . I. 
HoTmo (R. R.) 
Homer - 
Hapg (ADthOBy) 

Hwilao lb, F.'l - 
Hontd(UdTUib«l 

Hcwlit (W.) . . 

HBdMO {W H.l ' 

Hi!|:bei>-G>me>(S.) 
MuTihiM. B.) • 

HulUfalM 



"(T™.) 



Ki«(SirJ.W.) . 
Keller (A. G.I - 
K-lLy|E.|- - - 
KcDiilKH. C.) 
klelmuHUB Pj - 
Killkk (Rev. A. U J - 
Kiichin (Dt. G. W.) 
Knight (kF.)- . 



Lipiley (G. T.) 
Lecky (W. E. H.) 
L™(J.A.) - 



UUir (A.)- - 
Liodler U.| - ■ 
U.UF.1 - - - 
LodnlH. C.) - 
LotiHiRKi.V/.}.)- 
LodgmuiJC.].) - 
(F.W.) - . 






Mor»n (T. F.) - 7 SiMBley (Biihop) _ 

MwMn (C. Lloyd) - ii SMhbiog iW.l - .. « 
UotAxV) - IX. 13.14. Sl«liA.G.| . . Z 
«3, 18. 37. 4a Gtephen iLeiliel - l| 
HulluU (U. G.l - 31 SiepheamiH Mikm) y 
Uycn (P. W. H I - ». 40 Sleveu <R W.) . 49 
NiDHB (F.l . . II SleviDiOB IR. L.) ■6,«n 
Sloir IP.) . . . n 
Siuin-Wanley(A.JjH.lt 
SlubtMjjj. W.I- . ; 

S(Dlfield'(H. E. M.)' I) 



(Eul 



SnLly (jimeil 



(Mti-6.1.1 
ill(A. L.)- 



LulaaUwikl (W.) 
Lynn (Edni) ■ 

(H. P. B.l- 



in <E.) - . 
uld (Dr. Q.) . 



Macpbcnon <Rcv. H. A 



M4r.hniiin(J,C,) - lo 

Muoa (A. E. W.) - )8 

MitlielynelJ, N.) - 17 

Mitthay (ToMh) - 57 

M;™ir(i5''- "-"'1 

r Mu°Huller'(P.) " 

lM(y(S<r¥.BnkUia) 7 

J Mude (L. T.1 - . j3 
J MelviltelO.J.WhyW) «B 

i Heilvila (Duo) ' 7 

I Mcloll* (E. B.) - IS 

t Mill (lobn Slun) -19,11' 

I Uiuib II- OJ - '17. Ji 

7 Mi1net(&.) - ■ 4a' 

r.U(Ack|W.B.S.) . go 



NelUMfalp(R. L.) ' 
Newmin ICudtull - 
Nlcfaoli IF. U.) 
NDnii|li.L.)- ■ 

IW, EJ - - 

OakomilhU-l- 

oJifrHKR.)*'; '. 

P«tari(W.) - - 
P»«l(SlrJ.( . - 

p»a (w.i - - 

pKype-GiUwiy (Sir 

R.) ■ - 9. I 
Piyne (W, M.) 
Pan (E.1 - - 
Pear« (H. H. 3.) - 
Paek (Hedleyl ■ - 
PearoM <H. «.] ■ 
PblllIppt-Waltev(C.)i 
PieTieiA.H.1 - - » Thon 
Pollodi (W. H.) - 14, >9 I Thuli: 
PoolB(W.H.»»dM™.» 38 Todd 
PowdllE.) - ■ - ■'- -■ 

Praegar (S. Reaanoni 
PrilcbetKR. T.) - 

Raioe(Bev. Jamai)- '' " '(r1 &')' - - 'is 

RanklB(R.) - 7,9.16 Trollopc lAalhooy)- m 
RiMomo (Cyril) ■ j,? Turner (H. G.) - 9,1B 
Ktm-ialJ.} - 14 , Tyadall (J.) - -laij 

Rica (S. F.) - 1} ' Tynell IR. V.) - . a].it 

Blefa (A.I ' - 14. 30 Unwin (RJ - ■ (« 

Richmond (Eaaia) - la | Upi{iDiF,fC.aiid Benha) n 
Rickaby (Hev, I0M jo 1 Van Dyl« (J. C 

(Rev. Joaeph) — v— J~~i ^u ' 

Ridley (Lady) - 
RilayU. W. 



'(E.'P.l 

Rohiaaon I A. G.) 
Rogel (Peler M.) 
ReniaBi»(G.J.)ii 



Roaictii (Hari 
RDlhcram (M. 



Savage- ArmilronK(0.F.Jl6 
StoiUP.I.) - - 17 
Seebohm (P.) . ■ 7, ti 
SBlaiia(F.C.) - - 13 
Senior (W.I ■ - ij.ib 
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